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From: Office of Terje Rod-Larsen ‹
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Subject: January 29 update
Date: Sun, 29 Jan 2012 22:07:43 +0000
29 January, 2012
Article 1.
The Washington Post
Davos and disconnected elites
David Ignatius
Article 2.
NYT
Made in the World
Thomas L. Friedman
Article 3.
Common Ground
The Arab Spring is an opportunity for Israel
Natalia Simanovsky
Article 4.
NYT
The Man Behind Gingrich's Money
Mike Mcintire and Michael Luo
Article 5.
The Observer (England)
The man backing the Republican rightwinger
Paul Harris
Article 6.
Financial Times
The God gap
Stephen Cave
ArUcle I.
The Washington Post
Davos and disconnected elites
David Ignatius
January 28 -- DAVOS, Switzerland -- The organizers of the World
Economic Forum were self-critical enough to organize panels this year on
such dark topics as "Is Capitalism Failing?" and "Global Risks 2012: The
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Seeds of Dystopia." And these were just the latest in a series of annual
ruminations here on the troubles of the globalization movement the
conference symbolizes.
It's hard to be a convincing Spenglerian amid so much good food and
drink, not to mention money. But let's ponder one aspect of what might be
called the "Davos Dystopia" — namely, the way in which the elite
networking it represents has unintentionally worked to undermine social
cohesion in the larger world. Even as the elites have become better
connected, resentment toward them has seemed to grow back home —
fueling discontent.
The gloomy Davos sessions were a recognition that 2011 was the year of
the protester — from Occupy Wall Street and the Tea Party to the Arab
Spring to riots in London and Greece.
So how does it work, this cycle of simultaneous globalization and
disconnect? What you see here are some of the smartest business and
political leaders in the world gathering to discuss common problems. It's a
heady feeling, to see so much global talent in one place. And increasingly,
this elite shares connections with great global institutions — universities
such as Harvard and Stanford, companies like Google and Microsoft,
global financial giants like Goldman Sachs.
It's an inclusive elitism: The magnet draws the rising tycoons from
developing countries and fuses them with the once-dominant Americans,
British, Germans and French. That's the most likable feature of the forum,
the way you see Chinese and Indians and Egyptians and Pakistanis
shuffling down the streets in their snow boots, along with the Swiss hosts.
They are part of the connected world, just as much as the old-line bankers
and CEOs from the West.
But let's think for a moment about the flip side of this process. As the
"best and brightest" from the developing world plug into the global grid,
they inevitably unplug from their local political, business and cultural
networks. It's a subtler version of what used to be called the "brain drain."
The entrepreneurs keep their businesses at home, where they are making
their money, but they and their children join the global elite in a web of
Four Seasons hotels and Ivy League tuition bills.
And back home? The anger begins to boil. Rage against the elites is a
global phenomenon these days — as powerful in America as it is in
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Egypt. People resent a system that offers increasing returns to power and
privilege, and they take to the streets in protest. In regions such as the
Arab world, where the elites have been especially disconnected from the
masses, the rage can explode into revolution.
Why do you think Chinese leaders are so nervous? They know that a
billion people out in the hinterlands are watching elite Chinese on
television and envying the newly rich from Shanghai and Guangzhou who
buy Louis Vuitton luggage for their trips abroad. That's why the Chinese
talk so much about "balanced growth" — to spread some of the new
wealth and ease resentments against the rich in the coastal cities.
The people filling the power vacuum, as the corrupt local elites fall in
Egypt and Tunisia, are the ones who would never have been invited to
Davos before. They are from excluded organizations, such as the Muslim
Brotherhood. But their very separation from the global elite was one
reason the insurgents could ally so effectively with the public: They never
disconnected from the local grid; they remained in the mosques and souks
among the masses.
But here's the most interesting part — and the reason why the
globalization process retains its dynamism. It happens that some of the
leading revolutionaries of 2011 were at Davos last week, too, as if to
claim their seats. Among the most interesting discussions here was one
that included Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, a former member of the
Muslim Brotherhood now running for president of Egypt, and Rached
Ghannouchi, co-founder of the al-Nanda movement that won power in
Tunisia.
It's this process of self-renewal that allows a system to survive. The old
Egyptian crony capitalists with their big cigars were gone from Davos this
year, replaced by Muslim Brothers. And their message to the bankers and
tycoons was that the new Egypt and Tunisia welcome foreign investment.
Hopefully, the insurgents can find a way to be plugged into two grids at
once.
Anicic 2.
NYT
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Made in the World
Thomas L. Friedman
January 28, 2012 -- THE Associated Press reported last week that Fidel
Castro, the former president of Cuba, wrote an opinion piece on a Cuban
Web site, following a Republican Party presidential candidates' debate in
Florida, in which he argued that the "selection of a Republican candidate
for the presidency of this globalized and expansive empire is — and I
mean this seriously — the greatest competition of idiocy and ignorance
that has ever been."
When Marxists are complaining that your party's candidates are
disconnected from today's global realities, it's generally not a good sign.
But they're not alone.
There is today an enormous gap between the way many C.E.O.'s in
America — not Wall Street-types, but the people who lead premier
companies that make things and create real jobs — look at the world and
how the average congressmen, senator or president looks at the world.
They are literally looking at two different worlds — and this applies to
both parties.
Consider the meeting that this paper reported on from last February
between President Obama and the Apple co-founder Steve Jobs, who died
in October. The president, understandably, asked Jobs why almost all of
the 70 million iPhones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products
Apple sold last year were made overseas. Obama inquired, couldn't that
work come back home? "Those jobs aren't coming back," Jobs replied.
Politicians see the world as blocs of voters living in specific geographies
— and they see their job as maximizing the economic benefits for the
voters in their geography. Many C.E.O.'s, though, increasingly see the
world as a place where their products can be made anywhere through
global supply chains (often assembled with nonunion-protected labor) and
sold everywhere.
These C.E.O.'s rarely talk about "outsourcing" these days. Their world is
now so integrated that there is no "out" and no "in" anymore. In their
businesses, every product and many services now are imagined, designed,
marketed and built through global supply chains that seek to access the
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best quality talent at the lowest cost, wherever it exists. They see more
and more of their products today as "Made in the World" not "Made in
America." Therein lies the tension. So many of "our" companies actually
see themselves now as citizens of the world. But Obama is president of
the United States.
Victor Fung, the chairman of Li & Fung, one of Hong Kong's oldest
textile manufacturers, remarked to me last year that for many years his
company operated on the rule: "You sourced in Asia, and you sold in
America and Europe." Now, said Fung, the rule is: " `Source everywhere,
manufacture everywhere, sell everywhere.' The whole notion of an
`export' is really disappearing."
Mike Splinter, the C.E.O. of Applied Materials, has put it to me this way:
"Outsourcing was 10 years ago, where you'd say, `Let's send some
software generation overseas.' This is not the outsourcing we're doing
today. This is just where I am going to get something done. Now you say,
`Hey, half my Ph.D.'s in my R-and-D department would rather live in
Singapore, Taiwan or China because their hometown is there and they can
go there and still work for my company.' This is the next evolution." He
has many more choices.
Added Michael Dell, founder of Dell Inc.: "I always remind people that
96 percent of our potential new customers today live outside of America."
That's the rest of the world. And if companies like Dell want to sell to
them, he added, it needs to design and manufacture some parts of its
products in their countries.
This is the world we are living in. It is not going away. But America can
thrive in this world, explained Yossi Sheffi, the M.I.T. logistics expert, if it
empowers "as many of our workers as possible to participate" in different
links of these global supply chains — either imagining products,
designing products, marketing products, orchestrating the supply chain for
products, manufacturing high-end products and retailing products. If we
get our share, we'll do fine.
And here's the good news: We have a huge natural advantage to compete
in this kind of world, if we just get our act together.
In a world where the biggest returns go to those who imagine and design a
product, there is no higher imagination-enabling society than America. In
a world where talent is the most important competitive advantage, there is
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no country that historically welcomed talented immigrants more than
America. In a world in which protection for intellectual property and
secure capital markets is highly prized by innovators and investors alike,
there is no country safer than America. In a world in which the returns on
innovation are staggering, our government funding of bioscience, new
technology and clean energy is a great advantage. In a world where
logistics will be the source of a huge number of middle-class jobs, we
have FedEx and U.P.S.
If only — if only — we could come together on a national strategy to
enhance and expand all of our natural advantages: more immigration,
most post-secondary education, better infrastructure, more government
research, smart incentives for spurring millions of start-ups — and a long-
term plan to really fix our long-term debt problems — nobody could
touch us. We're that close.
Common Ground
The Arab Spring is an opportunity for Israel
Natalia Simanovsky
28 January 2012 - The Israeli government and security establishment are
viewing the sweeping changes in the Middle East and North African
region with apprehension. While it is human nature to fear the unknown,
the recent developments represent a window of opportunity for reshaping
the region.
That is not to say that the dangers facing Israel are imagined; Israel must
now contend with the consequences of the removal of its biggest ally in
the region, Hosni Mubarak, and face a newly-elected government whose
position on matters relating to the Jewish state are uncertain at best.
While not underestimating the challenges facing Israel as it tries to
navigate its way through uncharted territory, the new regional order could
present Israel with interesting strategic opportunities. Israel, however, has
to be cognisant of the nuances being presented.
The Arab Spring and the new landscape that has emerged in its wake have
led to a number of developments, including genuine free elections in
Tunisia. Yet many in Israel see the rise of the Islamic political party Al
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Nanda as the precursor to strong anti-Western and anti-Israel sentiment,
viewing Al Nanda as an ideological ally with the Egyptian Muslim
Brotherhood. But parties which use Islam as the backdrop to their policies
are not monolithic as many incorrectly assume.
In Tunisia, the elections resulted in a majority win for both liberal and
moderate Islamic parties. Yes, Al Nanda won 40 per cent of the vote, but it
has to share power with secular and centre-left parties. That Tunisia may
witness a resurgence of religious values in the public sphere is not an
existential threat to Israel.
As for Egypt, its elections have resulte
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