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mosques on the Haram, and would not become a catalyst, or in this case a pretext,
for violence.
Yet the revisionist history about our peace efforts left Clinton not just
frustrated, but genuinely puzzled. What the hell were these people talking about, he
asked me. Why were they missing the forest for the trees. “The true story of Camp
David,” he said, “was that for the first time in the history of the conflict, you and I,
the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the United States, placed on the
table a proposal, based on Resolutions 242 and 338, very close to the Palestinian
demands. And Arafat refused to accept it as a basis of negotiations, walked out of
the room, and deliberately turned to terrorism.” All the rest, President Clinton said,
was gossip.
All of it was now irrelevant, too. His parameters were off the table. Palestinian
violence against Israelis was getting ever deadlier. And I was out of politics. When
I delivered my final remarks to a Labor Party meeting, I was asked whether I was
leaving politics for good. I replied that I would always remain a member of Labor.
But I saw my role as a bit like when I'd left the army. “I’m a reserve officer,” I
said, adding that I hoped I would not be called back to duty any time soon.
I had been Prime Minister for only 21 months. But I'd been in politics for six
years, and in uniform for nearly thirty-six: in public service for more than four
decades. Now, suddenly, I was a private citizen. And for a few years, I actually
stayed that way.
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