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Extracted Text (OCR)
Freedom House
Putin's Foreign Admirers
“Putin decides what he wants to do, and he
does it in half a day, right? He decided he had
to go to their parliament—he went to their
parliament, he got permission in 15 min-
utes... He makes a decision and he executes
it, quickly. Then everybody reacts. That's what
you calla leader.”
—Rudolph Giuliani, former New York City mayor
“In my opinion, Putin is right on these is-
sues.... Obviously, he may be wrong about
many things, but he has taken a stand to pro-
tect his nation’s children from the damaging
effects of any gay and lesbian agenda.”
—Franklin Graham, American Christian evangelist
“Putin is certainly a pure democrat, but with
an authoritarian style. Russia is a great state.
The president has been endowed with great
power by the constitution.... Putin tries to
keep Russian interests from his perspective.”
—Heinz-Christian Strache, leader of Freedom Party of
Austria
parties supported Russian interests on a select group
of issues. The most reliable pro-Russian party was
Dutch politician Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom,
followed by France's National Front, Italy's Northern
League, the Swedish Democrats, and UKIP.?°
Putin and other Kremlin officials speak of Russia as a
successful example of interreligious harmony, boast
of government policies to ensure fair treatment for
Russias large Muslim population, and denounce
those who brought down Yanukovych’s government in
Ukraine as fascists and pogromists. Yet when it comes
to potential allies in Europe, it makes no difference to
the Kremlin whether a party has views that are racist,
anti-Semitic, lslamophobic, or even openly fascist.
Russia welcomes the support of parties like Jobbik,
with its history of anti-Semitism and contempt for
Hungary's Romany population, and has no qualms
about right-wing parties that speak of Muslims as
criminals and rapists.
“AS an operator, but not as a human being, |
would say Putin [is the most admirable world
leader]. The way he played the whole Syria
thing. Brilliant.”
—Nigel Farage, former leader of UK Independence Party
“| admire his cool head. Because there is a
cold war being waged against him by the EU
at the behest of the United States, which is
defending its own interests. | admire that he
has managed to restore pride and content-
ment to a great nation that had been humili-
ated and persecuted for 70 years.”
—Marine Le Pen, leader of France's National Front
“Between Putin and [Italian prime minister
Matteo] Renzi | will always choose Putin. |
wish Putin tomorrow morning became chair-
man of the Council of Ministers of Italy... Pun-
ishment against Russia [through sanctions] is
a stupid measure, which will cost us 5 billion
euros. If there is a part of Ukraine, which
wants to be Russia, | don’t see why not.”
—Matteo Salvini, national secretary of Italy's Northern
League
For Russia, the payoff from this strategy is a network
of parties that identify with the Kremlin's hatred of
liberal values, support Russia on critical foreign policy
issues, and praise Putin as a strong leader. While some
of these parties are still marginal forces in domestic
politics, a growing number are regarded as legitimate
contenders, especially since an uncontrolled influx of
refugees and an increase in terrorist attacks dented
public trust in mainstream parties. Even if Russia
remains unpopular in most European countries, the
fact that increasingly influential political figures laud
Putin for his energy, decisiveness, and eagerness to
challenge liberal orthodoxies is regarded as a gain for
Moscow. As these parties acquire a share of govern-
ing power in EU states, the prospects for a recognition
of the Crimea annexation and the abandonment of
economic sanctions improve significantly.
The benefit for European far-right parties is less clear.
Though they claim to be champions of national sov-
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