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Extracted Text (OCR)
One of Kushner’s now-frequent wise-men callers was Henry Kissinger. Kissinger, who
had been a front-row witness when the bureaucracy and intelligence community revolted
against Richard Nixon, outlined the kinds of mischief, and worse, that the new
administration could face.
“Deep state,” the left-wing and right-wing notion of an _ intelligence-network
permanent-government conspiracy, part of the Breitbart lexicon, became the Trump team
term of art: he’s poked the deep state bear.
Names were put to this: John Brennan, the CIA director; James Clapper, the director of
national intelligence; Susan Rice, the outgoing National Security Advisor; and Ben
Rhodes, Rice’s deputy and an Obama favorite.
Movie scenarios were painted: a cabal of intelligence community myrmidons, privy to
all sorts of damning evidence of Trump’s recklessness and dubious dealings, would, with a
strategic schedule of wounding, embarrassing, and distracting leaks, make it impossible
for the Trump White House to govern.
What Kushner was told, again and again, is that the president had to make amends. He
had to reach out. He had to mollify. These were forces not to be trifled with was said with
utmost gravity.
Throughout the campaign and even more forcefully after the election, Trump had
targeted the American intelligence community—the CIA, FBI, NSC, and, altogether,
seventeen separate intelligence agencies—as incompetent and mendacious. (His message
was “on auto pilot,” said one aide.) Among the various and plentiful Trump mixed
messages at odds with conservative orthodoxy, this was a particularly juicy one. His case
against American intelligence included its faulty information about weapons of mass
destruction that preceded the Iraq war, a litany of Obama Afghanistan-Iraq-Syria-Libya
and other war-related intelligence failures, and, more recently, but by no means least of all,
intelligence leaks regarding his purported Russian relationships and subterfuges.
Trump’s criticism seemed to align him with the left in its half century of making a
bogeyman of American intelligence agencies. But, in quite some reversal, the liberals and
the intelligence community were now aligned in their horror of Donald Trump. Much of
the left—which had resoundingly and scathingly rejected the intelligence community’s
unambiguous assessment of Edward Snowden as a betrayer of national secrets rather than
a well-intentioned whistle-blower—now suddenly embraced the intelligence community’s
authority in its suggestion of Trump’s nefarious relationships with the Russians.
Trump was dangerously out in the cold.
Hence, Kushner thought it was sensible to make a reach-out to the CIA among the first
orders of the new administration’s business.
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