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him at face value, became a moral stand.
In 2006, after Kaplan had edited the paper for fifteen years, Arthur Carter sold the
Observer—which had never made a profit—to the then twenty-five-year-old Kushner, an
unknown real estate heir interested in gaining stature and notoriety in the city. Kaplan was
now working for someone twenty-five years his junior, a man who, ironically, was just the
kind of arriviste he would otherwise have covered.
For Kushner, owning the paper soon paid off, because, with infinite ironies not
necessarily apparent to him, it allowed him into the social circle where he met Donald
Trump’s daughter, Ivanka, whom he married in 2009. But the paper did not, irksomely for
Kushner, pay off financially, which put him into increasing tension with Kaplan. Kaplan,
in turn, began telling witty and devastating tales about the pretensions and callowness of
his new boss, which spread, in constant retelling, among his many media protégés and
hence throughout the media itself.
In 2009, Kaplan left the paper, and Kushner—making a mistake that many rich men
who have bought vanity media properties are prone to making—tried to find a profit by
cutting costs. In short order, the media world came to regard Kushner as the man who not
only took Peter Kaplan’s paper from him, but also ruined it, brutally and incompetently.
And worse: in 2013, Kaplan, at fifty-nine, died of cancer. So, effectively, in the telling,
Kushner had killed him, too.
Media is personal. It is a series of blood scores. The media in its often collective mind
decides who is going to rise and who is going to fall, who lives and who dies. If you stay
around long enough in the media eye, your fate, like that of a banana republic despot, is
often an unkind one—a law Hillary Clinton was not able to circumvent. The media has the
last word.
Long before he ran for president, Trump and his sidekick son-in-law Kushner had been
marked not just for ignominy, but for slow torture by ridicule, contempt, and ever-more
amusing persiflage. These people are nothing. They are media debris. For goodness’ sake!
Trump, in a smart move, picked up his media reputation and relocated it from a
hypercritical New York to a more value-free Hollywood, becoming the star of his own
reality show, The Apprentice, and embracing a theory that would serve him well during his
presidential campaign: in flyover country, there is no greater asset than celebrity. To be
famous is to be loved—or at least fawned over.
The fabulous, incomprehensible irony that the Trump family had, despite the media’s
distaste, despite everything the media knows and understands and has said about them,
risen to a level not only of ultimate consequence but even of immortality is beyond worst-
case nightmare and into cosmic-joke territory. In this infuriating circumstance, Trump and
his son-in-law were united, always aware and yet never quite understanding why they
should be the butt of a media joke, and now the target of its stunned outrage.
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