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of the three men, she would be countermanded by one or another of them.
“T take a conversation at face value and move forward with it,” she defended herself. “I
put what was decided on the schedule and bring in comms and build a press plan around it
and bring in political affairs and office of public liaison. And then Jared says, Why did
you do that. And I say, ‘Because we had a meeting three days ago with you and Reince
and Steve where you agreed to do this.’ And he says, “But that didn’t mean I wanted it on
the schedule. That’s not why I had that conversation.’ It almost doesn’t matter what
anyone says: Jared will agree, and then it will get sabotaged, and then Jared goes to the
president and says, See, that was Reince’s idea or Steve’s idea.”
Bannon concentrated on a succession of EOs that would move the new administration
forward without having to wade through Congress. That focus was countermanded by
Priebus, who was cultivating the Trump-Ryan romance and the Republican agenda, which
in turn was countermanded by Kushner, who was concentrating on presidential bonhomie
and CEO roundtables, not least because he knew how much the president liked them (and,
as Bannon pointed out, because Kushner himself liked them). And instead of facing the
inherent conflicts in each strategy, the three men recognized that the conflicts were largely
irresolvable and avoided facing that fact by avoiding each other.
Each man had, in his own astute fashion, found his own way to appeal to the president
and to communicate with him. Bannon offered a rousing fuck-you show of force; Priebus
offered flattery from the congressional leadership; Kushner offered the approval of blue-
chip businessmen. So strong were these particular appeals that the president typically
preferred not to distinguish among them. They were all exactly what he wanted from the
presidency, and he didn’t understand why he couldn’t have them all. He wanted to break
things, he wanted a Republican Congress to give him bills to sign, and he wanted the love
and respect of New York machers and socialites. Some inside the White House perceived
that Bannon’s EOs were meant to be a workaround in response to Priebus’s courtship of
the party, and that Kushner’s CEOs were appalled by Bannon’s EOs and resistant to much
of the Republican agenda. But if the president understood this, it did not particularly
trouble him.
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Having achieved something like executive paralysis within the first month of the new
administration—each of the three gentlemen was as powerful in his allure to the president
as the others and each, at times, was equally annoying to the president—Bannon, Priebus,
and Kushner all built their own mechanisms to influence the president and undermine the
others.
Analysis or argument or PowerPoint did not work. But who said what to Trump and
when often did. If, at Bannon’s prodding, Rebekah Mercer called him, that had an effect.
Priebus could count on Paul Ryan’s clout with him. If Kushner set up Murdoch to call, that
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