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tech company—Facebook’s Sheryl Sandberg, after all, had a background in corporate
philanthropy and in the Obama administration. Cohn, on his part, already a
centamillionaire, was thinking about the World Bank or the Fed.
Ivanka Trump—dealing with some of the same personal and career considerations as
Powell, except without a viable escape strategy—was quite in her own corner.
Inexpressive and even botlike in public but, among friends, discursive and strategic,
Ivanka had become both more defensive about her father and more alarmed by where his
White House was heading. She and her husband blamed this on Bannon and his let-
Trump-be-Trump philosophy (often interpreted as let Trump be Bannon). The couple had
come to regard him as more diabolical than Rasputin. Hence it was their job to keep
Bannon and the ideologues from the president, who, they believed, was, in his heart, a
practical-minded person (at least in his better moods), swayed only by people preying on
his short attention span.
In mutually codependent fashion, Ivanka relied on Dina to suggest management tactics
that would help her handle her father and the White House, while Dina relied on Ivanka to
offer regular assurances that not everyone named Trump was completely crazy. This link
meant that within the greater West Wing population, Powell was seen as part of the much
tighter family circle, which, while it conferred influence, also made her the target of ever
sharper attacks. “She will expose herself as being totally incompetent,” said a bitter Katie
Walsh, seeing Powell as less a normalizing influence than another aspect of the abnormal
Trump family power play.
And indeed, both Powell and Cohn had privately concluded that the job they both had
their eye on—chief of staff, that singularly necessary White House management position
—would always be impossible to perform if the president’s daughter and son-in-law, no
matter how much they were allied to them, were in de facto command whenever they
wanted to exert it.
Dina and Ivanka were themselves spearheading an initiative that, otherwise, would
have been a fundamental responsibility of the chief of staff: controlling the president’s
information flow.
7 OK Ok
The unique problem here was partly how to get information to someone who did not (or
could not or would not) read, and who at best listened only selectively. But the other part
of the problem was how best to qualify the information that he liked to get. Hope Hicks,
after more than a year at this side, had honed her instincts for the kind of information—the
clips—that would please him. Bannon, in his intense and confiding voice, could insinuate
himself into the president’s mind. Kellyanne Conway brought him the latest outrages
against him. There were his after-dinner calls—the billionaire chorus. And then cable,
itself programmed to reach him—to court him or enrage him.
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