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MCMASTER AND SCARAMUCCI
rump was impetuous and yet did not like to make decisions, at least not ones that
"T seomed to corner him into having to analyze a problem. And no decision hounded
him so much—teally from the first moment of his presidency—as what to do about
Afghanistan. It was a conundrum that became a battle. It involved not only his own
resistance to analytic reasoning, but the left brain/right brain divide of his White House,
the split between those who argued for disruption and those who wanted to uphold the
Status quo.
In this, Bannon became the disruptive and unlikely White House voice for peace—or
anyway a kind of peace. In Bannon’s view, only he and the not-too-resolute backbone of
Donald Trump stood between consigning fifty thousand more American soldiers to
hopelessness in Afghanistan.
Representing the status quo—and, ideally, a surge on top of the status quo—was H. R.
McMaster, who, next to Jarvanka, had become Bannon’s prime target for abuse. On this
front, Bannon forged an easy bond with the president, who didn’t much hide his contempt
for the Power-Point general. Bannon and the president enjoyed trash-talking McMaster
together.
McMaster was a protégé of David Petraeus, the former CENTCOM and Afghanistan
commander who became Obama’s CIA director before resigning in a scandal involving a
love affair and the mishandling of classified information. Petraeus and now McMaster
represented a kind of business-as-usual approach in Afghanistan and the Middle East. A
stubborn McMaster kept proposing to the president new versions of the surge, but at each
pitch Trump would wave him out of the Oval Office and roll his eyes in despair and
disbelief.
The president’s distaste and rancor for McMaster grew on pace with the approaching
need to finally make a decision on Afghanistan, a decision he continued to put off. His
position on Afghanistan—a military quagmire he knew little about, other than that it was a
quagmire—had always been a derisive and caustic kiss-off of the sixteen-year war. Having
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