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served the public good. The government might not be able to contest his claim without further
revealing NSA sources. Under these circumstances, it might be induced to agree to a plea bargain
for Snowden. Changing the narrative would also help enhance his public image as a whistle-
blower,
Whatever the reasoning that led to it, Snowden’s new narrative was that he had destroyed all
the documents he had in his possession before coming to Moscow and had no access to any NSA
documents, not even those that he had distributed to journalists.
Snowden reinforced this narrative in almost in a series f interviews arranged by Wizner. In
December 2013, he met with Barton Gellman of the Washington Post. It was his first face-to-
face meeting with a journalist since he had arrived in Russia in June. To advance his narrative ,
Snowden turned on his laptop to Gellman and, as if proving his point, said to him “there’s nothing
on it... my hard drive is completely blank.” That his computer had no files stored on it actually
meant very little. The files could have been transferred to another device, or, as was discussed
earlier, to a server in the cloud. Gellman probed further by asking the precise whereabouts of
the files, but, as he reported, Snowden declined to answer that question. All that he would say
was that he was “confident he did not expose them to Chinese intelligence in Hong Kong.” Since
that answer did not nail down the issue, Wizner arranged for Vanity Fair, which was preparing an
article on Snowden, to submit questions. In his reply to them, Snowden wrote s that he destroyed
all his files in Hong Kong because he didn’t want to risk bringing them to Russia. He expanded
on this claim in three more interviews arranged by Wizner. These interviews were with three
journalists who themselves had opposed NSA surveillance: James Bamford writing for Wired
magazine, Alan Rusbridger, the editor of the Guardian and Katrina vanden Heuvel, the editor of
The Nation. He also gave a televised interview to Brian Williams of NBC News in which he
explained that since he had no access to the NSA documents in Russia, he could not provide
access to the Russians even if they “break my fingers.”
Snowden did he specify where, when or how the putative destruction of the files occurred,
and offered no witnesses or evidence, other than a blank laptop screen to corroborate it. Even
though his new narrative was widely accepted by the media, a self-serving claim by a perpetrator
that files have been destroyed cannot be accepted at face value in a digital age in which files can
be copied to another computer or moved to the “cloud” with the click of a key,. After all
Snowden went to considerable risk to select, copy, and steal these Level 3 documents in mid-May
before leaving Hawaii for Hong Kong. They were the last medium of value he held in Hong
Kong. These secrets were his potential bargaining chips. Why would he simply erase them in June
in Hong Kong? It is also difficult for me to accept that he would destroy these documents
because he feared the Russians might get them. If he was so concerned about the ability of
Russian intelligence, he could have stayed in Hong Kong and fought extradition instead of flying
to Russia. Once he made his arrangements to go to Russia, he must have realized that even
without the files on his computer, the Russian intelligence service could still obtain the NSA
secrets he held in his head. Indeed, as he told the New York Times, the secrets he held in his
head would have devastating consequences for NSA operations.
In light of Kucherena statement that Snowden had access to NSA documents in Russia, it
would require some form of a suspension of disbelief to accept Snowden’s new narrative. But
even if one was willing to accept his erasure claim, it still would not mean that the NSA
documents had not fallen into the hands of adversaries.
If he had destroyed all of the electronic copies of the NSA’s data before boarding his flight to
Moscow, he could he be “100 percent” certain, as he claimed that the data had not been accessed
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