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175 intelligence reports confirming its operations from many other sources, including Russian officials, diplomats, and military officers who claimed to have defected from the Soviet government in Moscow. Since these reports all dove-tailed, they recognized the Trust as a real underground organization. Once the Trust had been established in the minds of the Western intelligence services, it offered them as well as exile groups the services of its network of collaborators. These services included smuggling out dissidents, stealing secret documents, and disbursing money inside Russia to sympathizers. Within a year, exile groups in Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and Helsinki were using the “Trust” to deliver arms and supplies to their partisans inside Russia. The Trust also furnished spies and exile leader’s fake passports which allowed them to sneak back into Russia to participate in clandestine missions. It even undertook sabotage and assassination missions paid for by Western intelligence services. As they saw with their own eyes police stations blown up and political prisoners escape from prisons, these agents and dissidents came to further believe in the power of the Trust. By the mid-1920s, no fewer than eleven Western intelligence services had become almost completely dependent on the Trust for information about Russia. They also sent millions of dollars into Russia via couriers to finance its activities. But suddenly exile leaders working in Russia under the aegis of the Trust began to vanish. Then top western intelligence agents, such as Sydney Reilly and Boris Savinkov were arrested, and their networks were eliminated. Instead of the Communist regime collapsing, as the Trust had predicted, it consolidated its power and wiped out all the dissident groups. _ Finally, in 1929, the Trust was revealed by a defector to be a long-term false flag operation run by the Russian intelligence service. Even the Trust building, rather than being the cover for a subversive conspiracy, was the headquarters for the Russian secret police during this seven-year operation. The secret police had provided the documents fed to Western intelligence, briefed the agents who pretended to defect, published the dissident newspapers the Trust distributed, fabricated the passport it supplied exiles, blew up Russian buildings and staged jail breaks to make the deception more credible. It also collected the money sent in by Western intelligence services, which more than paid for the entire deception. Since it was running the show, it could offer those lured into the trap an opportunity to work for it as double-agents. The alternative, if they refused, was to face a firing squad. Even after the “Trust” itself had been fully exposed, The Russian Intelligence Service continued to succeed with other false-flag deception, During the Cold War, for example, it set up a fake underground in Poland modeled on the Trust. It was called WIN. It also set up other false flag groups in Ukraine, Georgia, Lithuania, Albania, and Hungary. It also had agents masquerade as members of the security services of Israel, South Africa, Germany, France and the US to recruit unwitting agents. These deceptions became an integral part of the recruitments of the Russian intelligence services. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020327