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abroad.”* This is potentially a good thing for American universities. Indeed, since 2011,
Chinese sources have participated in at least 1,186 donations or contracts worth more
than $426 million to seventy-seven American universities, according to disclosures
made to the US Department of Education, making China the fifth most active country
by number of gifts, and fourth, behind Qatar, England, and Saudi Arabia, in total
monetary value of gifts. (These disclosures are only required of universities that accept
federal aid, and the figures also include funds from Taiwanese sources.)”°
All US institutions of higher education cultivate lifetime giving from both graduates
and their families. Given the numbers of Chinese students matriculating from
American universities and the wealth of many of their families back in China as well
as their own potential career earnings, Chinese students have become a growing
priority for university development officers. Indeed, some Chinese families also
seem to believe that they can ensure, or at least enhance, their children’s chances
of acceptance into top colleges through charitable gifts.’”
Given the government’s extensive role in China’s economy, acceptance of all Chinese
gifts and grants requires due diligence that should be above and beyond the standard
practices currently employed by universities for other charitable giving. This is
obviously the case when funding comes from the Chinese government itself, for
example via the Hanban (the oversight body of the Confucius Institutes), which doles
out research grants via its Confucius China Studies Program,’* the “Young Sinologists”
program of the Chinese Ministry of Culture and Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,’
and, in one instance, the endowing of a faculty position at Stanford University.
Chinese corporate and private donors are now also starting to pour millions of
dollars into the US educational system, think tanks, and nonprofit organizations.
Given that privately owned companies in China exist and prosper at the sufferance
of political authorities there, even seemingly independent actors are often likely to
act at government direction or in ways that they believe will please the government.
Major mainland Chinese and Hong Kong companies and individuals with active
business ventures in China have now pledged or donated substantial funds to
US universities.
This is also the case with some Hong Kong-based or US-based foundations that are
linked directly or indirectly to the Chinese government or to enterprises and families
that have prospered with the help of the Beijing government. The most notable case is
the China-United States Exchange Foundation.*° CUSEF was established in 2008 on the
initiative of former Hong Kong chief executive and shipping magnate Tung Chee Hwa
(C.H. Tung) who continues to be the chairman of the foundation. Tung is also the vice
chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), China’s
highest-level “united front” organization® and he attended the Communist Party’s
19" Congress in October 2017. Moreover, the number of mainland-based members of
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