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In June 2017, a joint investigation by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and
Fairfax Media revealed that the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO)
had warned the major political parties that two of Australia’s most generous political
donors had “strong connections to the Chinese Communist Party” and that their
“donations might come with strings attached.”” One of them leveraged a $400,000
donation in an attempt to soften the Labor Party line on the South China Sea. Most
notoriously, an ambitious young Labor senator, Sam Dastyari, was shown to have
recited Beijing’s South China Sea talking points almost word-for-word immediately
after the political donor had threatened to withdraw his money. Dastyari was also
shown to have given countersurveillance advice to the donor. As a result of these
actions, Dastyari was forced to resign from Parliament. Again, the CCP was shown to
be working both sides of the political aisle. The Liberal trade minister, Andrew Robb,
was shown to have stepped directly from office into a consultancy job to the CCP-
linked company that bought a controversial lease for the Port of Darwin. The contract
showed Robb to be earning 880,000 Australian dollars per year (more than 600,000 US
dollars plus goods and services tax) for unspecified services.®
Response and Counterresponse
In December 2017, as the political attacks on Dastyari came to a head, Prime Minister
Turnbull revealed that his coalition government had been “galvanized” by a classified
report into foreign interference which he had commissioned in August 2016. Turnbull
unveiled a new counter-foreign-interference strategy which he said would be shaped
by four principles. First, the strategy would target the activities of foreign states
and not the loyalties of foreign-born Australians. As Turnbull put it, “Our diaspora
communities are part of the solution, not the problem.” Second, the strategy would be
country-agnostic and not single out Chinese interference. Third, it would distinguish
conduct that is “covert, coercive, or corrupting” from legitimate and transparent public
diplomacy. And fourth, it would be built upon the pillars of “sunlight, enforcement,
deterrence, and capability.”°
At the same time, the prime minister introduced sweeping new legislation into
Parliament. One bill introduced a wide-reaching ban on foreign political donations,
including measures to prevent foreigners from channeling donations through
local entities.!° A second bill imposed disclosure obligations for those working in
Australian politics on behalf of a foreign principal. This bill would capture many of
the indirect methodologies of CCP intelligence and United Front Work Department
(UFWD) operations that are not caught by the US Foreign Agents Registration
Act. And a third tranche of legislation would close some large loopholes in the
Australian criminal law by introducing tough but graduated political interference
and espionage offenses.
Appendix 2
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