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181 the United Kingdom have also established Chinese Communist Party cells.’ The use of the CSSA UK to monitor dissent among Chinese students in the United Kingdom is a direct violation of the principles of the United Kingdom’s democracy. Institutions created or managed by the Chinese authorities include the country’s twenty-nine Hanban-managed Confucius Institutes as well as the new Peking University HSBC Business School Oxford Campus—the first overseas campus of a Chinese university. These institutions have triggered some concerns. They openly discriminate against certain groups, such as Falun Gong practitioners who are excluded from employment, as North American cases have shown." Reportedly, agreements with universities that host Confucius Institutes require adherence to Chinese law according to Hanban policies and they are subject to nondisclosure agreements."' The concern that these institutions practice (self-)censorship is somewhat mitigated as long as the authorship of censored accounts is clear and robust and critical discussion takes place elsewhere in the United Kingdom. Activities benefitting from Chinese funding or commercial ties with China are all the more concerning when Chinese influence is less easy to trace. It is impossible to tell, for example, if Huawei’s donation to Chatham House’s Asia-Pacific program will affect this venerable institution’s independence and if UK universities’ self censorship on their Chinese campuses will bleed into their home bases.” It is clear, on the other hand, that funding provided to research students and researchers who come to the United Kingdom from China leads to self-censorship. The increased role of the China Scholarship Council, a PRC-funded grant provider, is therefore of great concern, as it clearly would not approve projects that might anger China’s government. UK-based publishing in China gives rise to concerns about censorship, as in the case of Cambridge University Press temporarily censoring the online version of its journal China Quarterly in China to accommodate government censorship requests.4 China’s treatment of UK-funded educational institutions in China is also of concern in Britain. In June 2018, the University of Nottingham’s campus in Ningbo removed its associate provost, Stephen Morgan, after he wrote an online piece criticizing the results of China’s Nineteenth Party Congress.’ Nottingham has previously given the appearance of buckling to Chinese pressure. In 2016, Nottingham abruptly shut its School of Contemporary Chinese Studies just as students were preparing for exams. The action led to the departure of its director, Steve Tsang, a China scholar known for his integrity and independence from Beijing. Sources close to the incident said that PRC pressure on the university played a direct role in the closure of the institute. Tsang is now the director of the China Institute at the School of Oriental and Africa Studies at the University of London. Appendix 2 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020640