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24 MICHAEL WOLFE That afternoon, a bipartisan Congress with surprising ease had passed the $1.3 trillion 2018 appropriations bill. “McConnell, Ryan, Schumer, and Pelosi,” said Bannon about the Republican and Democratic congressional leadership, “in their singular moment of bipartisan magnanimity, put one over on Trump.” This legislative milestone was a result of Trump's disengagement and everybody else’s attentive efforts. Most presidents are eager to get down into the weeds of the budget process. Trump took little or no interest. Hence the Republican and Democratic leadership—here supported by the budget and legislative teams in the White House—were able to pass an enormous spending bill that failed to fund Trump’s must-must item, the holy grail Wall, that prospective two-thousand-mile monument meant to run the entire length of the border between the United States and Mexico. Instead, the bill provided only $1.6 billion for border security. The current bill was in effect the same budget bill that had been pushed forward at the end of the previous September, when the Wall had once again not been funded. In the fall, Trump had agreed to have the Republican-controlled Congiess vote to extend the September budget bill. The next time it came up, the Wall would be funded or, he threatened, the government would be shut down. Even the hardest-core Trumpers in Congress seemed content not to have to die on the actual battlefield of funding the Wall, since that would mean embracing or at least enduring an always politically risky shutdown. Trump, too, in his way, seemed to understand that the Wall was more myth than reality, more slogan than actual plan. The Wall was ever for another day. On the other hand, it was unclear what the president understood. “We've gotten the budget,” he privately told his son-in-law at the end of the March budget negotiations. “We've gotten the Wall, totally.” OF On Wednesday, March 21, the day before the final vote, Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the House, had come to the White House to receive the presi- dent's blessings on the budget bill. “Got $1.6 Billion to start Wall on Southern Border, rest will be forth- coming,’ the president shortly tweeted. SIEGE 25 The White House had originally asked for $25 billion for the Wall, although high-end estimates of the Wall’s ultimate cost came in at $70 billion. Even then, the $1.6 billion in the appropriations bill was not so much for the Wall as for better security measures. As the final vote neared, a gentlemen’s agreement appeared to have been reached, one that extended to every corner of the government— with, it even seemed, Trump's own tacit support, or at least his conve- nient distraction. The understanding was straightforward: whatever their stripe, members of Congress would not blow up the appropriations pro- cess for the Wall. There were, too, Republicans like Ryan—with the backing of Repub- lican donors such as Paul Singer and Charles Koch—who were eager to walk back, by whatever increment possible, Trump's hard-line immigra- tion policies and rhetoric. Ryan and others had devised a simple method for accomplishing this kind of objective: you agreed with him and then ignored him. There was happy talk, which Trump bathed in, followed by practical steps, which bored him. That Wednesday, Trump made a series of calls to praise everyone’s work on the bill. The next morning, Ryan, in a televised news conference to seal the deal, said, “The president supports this bill, there's no two ways about it.” Here were the twin realities. The Wall was the most concrete manifesta- tion of Trumpian policy, attitude, belief, and personality. At the same time, the Wall forced every Republican politician to come to terms with his or her own common sense, fiscal prudence, and political flexibility. It was not just the expense and impracticality of the Wall, it was hav- ing to engage in a battle for it. A government shutdown would mean a high-stakes face-off between the Trump world and the non-Trump world Should this come to pass, it would potentially be as dramatic a moment as any that had occurred since the election of 2016. If the Democrats wanted to harden the partisan division and were eager to find yet another example—perhaps the mother of all exam- ples—of Trump at his most extreme, a shutdown over the Wall woulc hand them one. If the Republicans wanted to shift the focus from a full barbarian Trump to, say, the tax bill the Congress had recently passed HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021136