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Genetic studies indicate that
heritability accounts for approximately
50% of loneliness while social
circumstances account for the other 50%
(7). Research also suggests that
loneliness is common - reported by as
many as 20 percent of the population at
any given time (8). In addition, some
evidence suggests that the prevalence of
loneliness may be increasing, at least in
the U.S. A recent national survey found
a threefold increase in the number of
Americans who indicated they had no
confidant or person with whom to
discuss important matters (9). Although
differences between this survey and its
1985 predecessor may be sufficient to
account for this increase, this suggestive
report raises the possibility that
contemporary societal factors may be
interfering with the natural tendency for
humans to form meaningful, long-term
social connections. One factor is social
mobility, which increased dramatically
during the 20" century. A second is the
aging of the U.S. population. In 1900,
4.1% of Americans were 65 years or
older. By 2006, that percentage had
increased to 12.4%, representing 37.3
million Americans (10). With less value
placed on older individuals in the U.S.,
we have witnessed an increase in
marginalization of this segment of
society. Third, as life expectancy
increases, more elders are living longer
as widows or widowers and are therefore
at increased risk for loneliness. Other
factors which may place Americans at
increased risk for loneliness include less
intergenerational living, delayed
marriage, increased dual- career
families, increased single-residence
households, and increased age-related
disabilities and health conditions. Given
the mental and health risks associated
with loneliness described in Hawkley’s
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chapter, interventions are needed to help
lonely individuals regain normal social
connections. As Bunyan’s account
suggests, breaking through the wall of
loneliness may require considerable
effort. When individual effort is not
sufficient, assistance from others may be
needed. Unfortunately, contemporary
interventions to reduce loneliness have
fared more poorly than has been
recognized.
Repairing Broken Connections
Almost a century ago, scholars
began to propose strategies for reducing
loneliness. Karen Rook (11), for
instance, amassed over 40 interventions
dating back to the 1930’s in her attempt
to identify effective loneliness reduction
strategies. Since Rook’s review, five
scientific publications have provided
qualitative reviews of strategies to
reduce loneliness, social isolation, or
both (12-16). The most recent
publication identified 30 interventions
published between 1970 and 2002 (16),
and evaluated the effectiveness of those
intervention studies that were not flawed
by poor design. Among the thirteen trials
deemed to be of high quality, six were
considered effective, one was considered
partially effective, five were considered
ineffective, and one was inconclusive.
The authors’ conclusions were similar to
those of prior reviewers who found that
interventions which emphasized social
skills training and/or group activities
were the most successful.
However, qualitative reviews are
subject to invisible biases that can color
our judgments of the scientific evidence
we see. Thomas Kuhn, a 20" century
physicist and epistemologist, noted that
scientists too easily accept results which
conform to previous intuitions and too
readily reject results which do not (17).
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