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Extracted Text (OCR)
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support for those who have actually helped to keep the peace and
have the potential to go on doing so. The opprobrium attached to
ignoring or dismissing the goal of global zero has no influence on the
Irans and North Koreas, but it does have an influence on us. It makes
it easy, for example, for reflexively anti-nuclear voices in the
Congress and the Obama administration (some have migrated from
the former to the latter) to oppose even modest updating of our
nuclear weapons and to make technical improvements taboo.
Thoughtful proponents of global zero should admit that this is
dangerous nonsense. They should, at a minimum, campaign with
equal vigor for the modernization of our existing, shrinking nuclear
arsenal.
Unfortunately, fixing on zero as the urgent issue before us obscures
the real challenge: keeping nuclear weapons out of the hands of
countries or organizations that might use them offensively. Seen from
this viewpoint, the two most decisive acts against the proliferation of
nuclear weapons were the Israeli attacks on Iraq’s weapons program
in 1981 and Syria’s in 2008. The 1981 attack was widely, if
hypocritically, condemned. The destruction of the Syrian facility was
downplayed on all sides; and while the US had opposed it, it had the
good sense to keep quiet after the fact.
There is much that we can do to slow the proliferation of nuclear
weapons. Tougher sanctions against the Iranian regime, especially if
they produced nationwide shortages of fuel for automobiles and made
it more difficult to obtain outside technology, money, and expertise,
would be a good place to start. How about sanctions to be applied to
any individual who assists nuclear proliferators? Or serious sanctions
against companies—and their executives—who provide material
support? The more effective they became, the louder the message to
others who might be tempted to seek weapons of their own. Why did
the “international community,” which passes endless motions against
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