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Extracted Text (OCR)
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East. The Iranians evidently hoped that militancy against the west,
above all on behalf of the Palestinians, could counteract the league-of-
outsiders aspect of their alliance. For a while, this project appeared
to be working. The Iran-created and sponsored Hezbollah movement
managed to precipitate Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon in
2000, and then avoided defeat in a subsequent round of fighting in
2006. In a poll of Arab public opinion taken in 2008, the three most
popular leaders were Hassan Nasrallah, Bashar al-Assad and
Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, in that order. But this sense of inexorable
ascendancy in which the Iran-led bloc liked to cloak itself has fallen
victim to the Arab spring. First, the Saudis crushed a largely Shia
uprising in Bahrain which the Iranians backed. But more importantly,
Iran's tooth and nail defence of the brutal Assad regime in Syria is
progressively destroying its already shallow support Sunni Muslims.
Thus, a recent poll by the Arab-American Institute asked more than
4,000 Arabs their view of Iran. In Saudi Arabia, 6% had a positive
view — down from 89% in 2006. In Jordan, the positive rating fell
from 75% to 23%, in Egypt from 89% to 37% in the same period. The
uprising in Syria placed Iran in an impossible position. Maintaining
its ally in Damascus formed an essential strategic interest. Iran hoped,
following the US departure from Iraq, to achieve a contiguous line of
pro-Iranian, Shia states stretching from Iran itself to the
Mediterranean. But keeping this ambition alive in recent months
required offering very visible support to a non-Sunni regime engaged
in the energetic slaughter of its own, largely Sunni people. This has
led to the drastic decline in the standing of the Iranians and their
friends. Such a decline was probably inevitable. Outside the core
areas of Shia Arab population, Iran's support was broad but shallow.
It is noteworthy that since the Arab Spring, Hamas appears to have
distanced itself both from Assad and from the Iranians. According to
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