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INTRODUCTION
MENTAL HEALTH APPROACHES TO REDUCE THE IMPACT OF
POSTTRAUMATIC STRESS OF NATURAL DISASTERS
SECOND RESPONSE AND PLAYSHOPS
When natural disasters strike, emergency organizations leap into action to
address immediate need. First responders attend to the essential restoration of
safety, shelter, food, and water. Media attention often focuses on the dead and
injured while financial resources are allocated for the repair of the external
landscape and infrastructure.
But little attention is paid to the inner landscape of victims of natural disasters.
Besides seeing their communities chaotically destroyed, victims, especially
children, are also traumatized by fear, grief, helplessness and other debilitating
emotions.
During these times of disaster response, mental health is often marginalized;
moreover, few psychologically oriented preventative measures have emerged with
the potential to prepare communities for the overwhelming psychological impact
of large-scale disasters.
Since its inception in the mid 1990's, the Fortunate Blessings Foundation has
conducted seminars, workshops and conferences aimed at helping individuals
adopt simple lifestyle practices to maintain health and reduce the incidence of
preventable disease.
In 2004, following the massive tsunami in Indonesia, FBF launched Second
Response, an initiative created specifically to address the post traumatic stress of
victims of disasters. At the invitation of medical schools, government officials,
health ministers and various educational organizations throughout disaster stricken
areas, Second Response facilitators have deployed around the world, wherever
disaster strikes, both working with children and building local capacity.
Our teams of trained mental health professionals enter the areas most severely
impacted in order to help kids safely release the stress, anxiety, and fear pent up
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after a traumatizing event, and gets them back into safe relationships with their
friends and the environment. To date, Second Response has reached more than
100,000 children and conducted training in communities around the world from
the Fukushima disaster in Japan to the coastal villages of Indonesia and the
Philippines, and throughout the USA.
In the years that follow a disaster, most communities are burdened with the needs
of victims of PTSD, one of the more serious repercussions of trauma. The number
of these cases could have been reduced through effective interventions; however,
more research is needed to demonstrate the efficacy of Second Response's
approach and the enormous economic benefit preventative interventions like this
can provide to affected communities.
What follows is a White Paper outlining various mental health approaches to
disaster-related trauma and, in particular, the unique perspective of Second
Response and PLAYshops.
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What is Second Response?
Second Response is an initiative of the Fortunate Blessings Foundation, Inc., a US
based 501(c)(3) organization providing disaster relief care focused on reducing the
effects of post-trauma pathology, particularly post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and
other trauma-related disorders.
When the initial emergency phase of a disaster shifts to the recovery phase, and a sense
of stability and safety returns to the impacted area, the trained mental health
professionals in Second Response Trauma Teams conduct programs such as
PLAYshops to support anyone dealing with emotional issues that could develop into
more serious problems a few months later. Second Response operates on the conviction
that unless the physical energies accompanying deeply repressed emotions are
addressed sensitively, a burden of complex psychosomatic issues can result.
Second
Response's body-centered work is vitally different from the psychological counseling
that is usually provided for traumatized children.
Second Response Mission
The mission of Second Response is that the methodologies our teams develop become
an effective, global standard of disaster relief care for the reduction of the effects of
post-trauma pathology, particularly post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other
trauma-related disorders.
Second Response Goal
The goal of Second Response is to reduce trauma-related disorders and post-trauma
symptomatology in children and adults, including but not limited to post-traumatic
stress disorder, major depression, somatic complaints, generalized anxiety, separation
anxiety, and impairments in daily social and occupational functioning.
Second Response Tenets
1. We believe that the use of body-centered therapies, specifically our own carefully
crafted PLAYshops, can effectively reduce the probability of post-trauma pathology
from developing in children and adults following a traumatic event.
2. We believe that body-centered therapies such as PLAYshops are transculturally
appropriate, developmentally universal, and socially congruent methods to utilize with
children and adults in the United States and foreign countries alike.
3. We believe that the existing repertoire of trauma-focused therapies - largely
cognitive-based psychological and pharmacological treatments - address only part of
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the pathology basis of trauma; therefore, the repertoire will benefit greatly by the
inclusion of somatic based approaches. This is particularly important when considering
the unique needs of children.
Second Response Strategies
* To conduct PLAYshops wherever needed in the world, and document their impact on
populations.
* To build sustainable capacity on the ground through the training of local caregivers,
social workers, teachers, parents, health ministries, and mental health providers so that
future events can be met with similar and effective responses.
* To better understand service gaps within disaster relief services, particularly on a
global scale, and to collaborate with effective organizations to deliver and provide
emotional support to children and adults in areas where needed.
* To have a number of skilled Second Response Trainers in place at all times, available
to deploy wherever an increased local capacity is needed.
* To continue developing awareness of cultural landscapes, signals, and meanings to
ensure the highest level of respect and inclusion for all cultural groups and the smallest
degree of hegemonic bias.
The Second Response Trauma Team
The Second Response Trauma Team consists of three to six mental health professionals
extensively trained in disaster work, trauma-related disorders, and body-centered
therapies dealing with grief and loss. The Second Response Trauma Team is able to
respond swiftly following the initial emergency phase of a natural or human-caused
disaster anywhere in the world. They travel to areas most severely impacted and provide
body-centered interventions in the interest of preventing and reducing the effects of
post-trauma pathology, particularly post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). To promote
independent healing, Second Response also trains local community volunteers, before
disaster strikes, to build on-the-ground capacity that is both cost-effective and easily
replicated.
Background: When Disaster Strikes
We have all seen the faces of frightened children in the aftermath of a traumatic event -
be it a natural disaster such as an earthquake, flood or fire, or a human-made disaster
such as a terrorist act, train wreck, industrial explosion, plane crash, or war. Their tired
faces and unsteady movements add years to their biological age and reflect the shock of
having been displaced from home, family, community, and a sense of safety. When a
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natural or human-made disaster occurs in communities with pre-existing unrest, the
consequences are that much graver.
When a disaster strikes a community, what people remember most vividly are the
images of uprooted buildings, howling sirens, and first responders rapidly gathering
around the wrecked community in an effort to save and rebuild. What is not always so
apparent is the internal, silent suffering of the survivors whose sense of safety,
belonging, and self has been shaken to the core. Children have more difficulty than
adults in verbalizing emotions. While both groups may have trouble expressing their
needs following a traumatic event, children are often further constrained to non-verbal,
somatic means of expression.
Traditionally the literature on trauma has focused largely on survivors' experience of
helplessness and fear as the predominant response. More recently, researchers have
increasingly begun discussing the role of anger and hostility as a major component of
trauma symptomatology. Anger and irritability are often more prevalent in children, but
precisely because social norms often cause their adult counterparts to mute their anger
and children often model adult emotional responses, they too end up repressing their
emotions. Anger is a natural, adaptive emotion in the face of danger, but more socially
acceptable emotions such as sadness and anxiety may surface instead. Anger can be
directed both externally and internally. Children exposed to terror are more likely to
engage in risk behaviors and some studies suggest that following natural disasters, rates
of suicides have risen.
Normal response to danger versus PTSD
What is the difference between a normal response to danger and post-traumatic stress
disorder? In the words of the National Institutes of Mental Health,
When in danger, it's natural to feel afraid. This fear triggers many split-second changes in
the body to prepare to defend against the danger or to avoid it. This "fight-or-flight"
response is a healthy reaction meant to protect a person from harm. But in post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD), this reaction is changed or damaged. People who have PTSD may
feel stressed or frightened even when they're no longer in danger.
PTSD develops after a terrifying ordeal that involved physical harm or the threat of
physical harm. The person who develops PTSD may have been the one who was harmed;
the harm may have happened to a loved one; or the person may have witnessed a harmful
event that happened to loved ones or strangers.
PTSD was first brought to public attention in relation to war veterans, but it can result from
a variety of traumatic incidents, such as mugging, rape, torture, being kidnapped or held
captive, child abuse, car accidents, train wrecks, plane crashes, bombings, or natural
disasters such as floods or earthquakes.
In other words, distress is a natural response to danger; post-traumatic stress disorder
may result when the stress is not dealt with properly.
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It is common for symptoms of distress after trauma to diminish naturally over time. In
fact, a significant percentage of survivors typically return to pre-trauma baseline levels
of functioning and psychosocial wellbeing without mental health intervention. So why
doesn't everyone? Factors contributing to the development of PTSD may include an
individual's premorbid psychological state; chronic stressors; coping style; personality
type; engagement with community; and of course the nature and intensity of the
traumatic event as experienced by the individual. Other factors include extreme
sympathetic response exemplified by increased cortisol and hyper-arousal; freezing
responses; and attachment issues. Research shows that most of these factors can have
also an impact on the recovery process.
As psychologically terrifying as trauma is, the biological shifts occurring in the brain
and body to adapt to trauma are equally as real. Although trauma causes a degree of
impairment in the lives of those inflicted by life-threatening pain, on a fundamental
level it is more accurate to say that those with PTSD have "high-functioning brains
trapped in survival mode," as described by Julian Ford and others.
Two Requirements for Healing
"Holding" and "temenos" are therapeutic concepts defined in 1955 by English
psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott, a leader in the field of object relations theory in the
early 20th century.
Holding: Winnicott defined the term "holding" as what is achieved during infancy
through the mother's nurturance and physical contact while simultaneously allowing the
infant to explore the world, by providing a safe and supportive home base to return to.
In "holding," emotions can be fully expressed and the child learns she can openly
process joyful as well as painful experiences. Developmental psychologists since
Winnicott's time have supported this theory that children are best able to thrive, explore,
and take risks when they develop a healthy relationship with a caregiver who serves as a
secure base, much like a firmly rooted plant with the freedom and vivacity to flourish
above ground.
Temenos: Winnicott paralleled parental holding with a similar therapeutic concept he
coined "temenos," the sacred psychological space created by therapists for patients to
safely unravel the layers of their deepest suffering. In the aftermath of a traumatic event,
children rely heavily on their sense of holding, yet the rhythm of that pattern is
disrupted. After trauma, it is common for children to protect their caregivers by
remaining silent and unobtrusive; caregivers may also be preoccupied or overwhelmed
with their own recovery, making it even more likely that the needs of children go
unnoticed. In some situations, children may be separated from their caregivers without
any sign of possible reunification.
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Professionals and volunteers who are trained to act as temporary "holders" and creators
of "temenos" are thus valuable assets in the recovery phase following a disaster, and the
rebuilding of psychosocial well-being; of course, the more important task is to connect
children with loved ones or surviving family members where possible.
From Treatment to Prevention
In its publication Prevention of Mental Disorders, the World Health Organization
(WHO) emphasizes that in order to "reduce the health, social, and economic burdens of
mental disorders it is essential that countries and regions pay greater attention to
prevention and promotion in mental health." It goes on to say that priority should be
given to preventive programs that can demonstrate empirical evidence of their
effectiveness.
However, the majority of the current literature pertaining to mental health interventions
is comprised of evidence for the efficacy of PTSD treatment rather than prevention.
There is a fairly well-established pool of peer-reviewed articles citing empirically
supported treatments such as Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) as having
efficacious results in the treatment of PTSD within a mixed demographic and severity of
sustained trauma; yet, in all our knowledge of trauma pathologies and methods of
treating anxiety and stress, there is comparably less progress in the field of PTSD
prevention. Even when discussed, the term "prevention" commonly refers to a
predominantly educational component geared towards individuals who have not yet
experienced trauma. This is labeled "primary pre-trauma" prevention of PTSD and
distinguishes itself from "secondary prevention," which targets individuals who have
sustained trauma and have a higher risk of developing clinically diagnosable issues
compared with their non-trauma-exposed counterparts.
In this paper, "prevention" refers to secondary prevention methods, i.e. interventions
implemented to reduce the risk of post-trauma pathology as soon as possible after
an individual has been exposed to a traumatic event.
Due to the unpredictable nature of traumatic events, primary prevention randomized
control studies are challenging to conduct and implement. When it has been attempted,
primary prevention is categorized under "resilience-building programs," defined in a
2012 systematic review as "any kind of structured psychological skills training delivered
to an individual or group of people with the aim of improving psychological functioning
or well-being." Not only is this a broad inclusionary criterion, but the study filtered the
initial yield of 15,014 studies down to a mere seven that were identified as relevant, all
of which fell under the psych-education category. Seven studies are not sufficient to
instill confidence - in responders or survivors - that the methods used will effectively
aid in the healing process.
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Although there are more secondary prevention studies, the bulk of the research focuses
on psych-education methods intended to "normalize" stress responses. This includes
teaching coping strategies or encouraging pharmaceutical interventions such as select
serotonin reuptake inhibitors and serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors. The
literature also lacks an expressed optimism that the most common preventive methods
currently in the field are effective in reducing the pathological impact of trauma.
One of the more interesting programs developed by psychologist Rony Berger, PhD is
the ERASE-STRESS resiliency program, tested in four randomized, controlled trials,
following natural disasters in Sri Lanka, the United States (Hurricane Katrina), Turkey,
Thailand, China, and Tanzania. Berger integrates art therapy, meditative, bio-energetic,
and body-based approaches to aid in the processing of trauma.
Second Response is at the forefront of a movement to change the current state of
post-trauma disaster work as pioneers in reducing and preventing trauma-related
disorders and post-trauma symptomatology in children and adults, using state-of-the-art
body-centered therapies which address the body's somatic responses to trauma. One of
the goals of this paper is to provide an unbiased a perspective by letting the research and
empirically validated data speak for itself. In the following section, some of the most
commonly employed preventive interventions are explored.
Existing Approaches: Relief or Regression?
A number of approaches to post-disaster intervention currently exist. These include:
Psychological First Aid (PFA): Originally designed for simple application in the field
following a disaster, Psychological First Aid (PFA) is one of the most widespread
prevention relief methods developed by the World Health Organization and the Red
Cross, then adopted by the International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies (ISTSS) as
a systematic approach to assist survivors of trauma in the hours immediately after
exposure. PFA has also been used in non-disaster settings such as hospital trauma
centers, rape crisis centers and combat zones. PFA has eight core actions: contact and
engagement, safety and comfort, stabilization, information gathering, practical
assistance, connection with social supports, information on coping support, and linkage
with collaborative services. In addition to the first wave of services, Secondary
Psychological Assistance was developed to serve as an adjunct follow-up for certain
individuals requiring sustained support.
Psychological Debriefing (PD): Generally applied within the first few days after
exposure to trauma and lasting 3-4 hours, Psychological Debriefing (PD) describes itself
as a universally appropriate preventive intervention aimed at reducing initial distress as
well as promoting long-term functioning through the use of psych-education and
teaching of coping strategies. Psychological Debriefing is considered a variant of PFA
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and is often referred to as the standard of care for disaster and a "prophylactic" crisis
response. The structure of PD is often shaped by the following markers: educate the
survivor on symptoms they might experience as a result of trauma exposure; normalize
the survivor's emotional expressions; and encourage the sharing of emotional responses.
Despite its proclamations of having zero iatrogenic risk, PD has consistently been
criticized for its widely accepted use despite growing evidence suggesting it is not only
ineffective but can be associated with poorer psychological outcomes. Further
complicating matters is the manner in which prophylactic debriefing is typically
utilized. Contrary to early interventions (such as Cognitive Behavioral Therapy), which
are provided upon the request for psychological help for individuals who exhibit
clinically significant presentations, PD is typically applied immediately following
trauma as part of organizational mandates to safeguard against litigation. Many
practitioners find it disturbing that PD, with its increasing evidence of contraindication,
is mandated in so many organizations.
Critical Incident Stress Debriefing (CISD): A descendant of PD, Critical Incident
Stress Debriefing (CISD) distinguishes itself through the use of group-based
interventions and a structured didactic component. As defined by CISD prescripts,
anyone with a master's level degree in a field "even remotely related" is qualified to
implement CISD. The result is often a group of "peer providers" who practice CISD
following a 3- to 4-day workshop with no standards for evaluation of competence. CISD
has also come under scrutiny for similar reasons as its predecessor, with the Russian
workshop of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) reporting "there is still no
consensus on the role, if any, of very acute interventions. Classic CISD debriefing can
no longer be recommended."
The normalization of distress employed in PFA, PD, and CISD presumes a great deal
about how survivors feel society expects them to act - in other words, how they believe
they should be experiencing pain. The psych-education component generates the
expectation of a pathological response in already hyper-impressionable individuals days
after a trauma.
In a review of eight randomized trials studying the efficacy of PD in the prevention of
PTSD, normalization was actually found to prolong the process of recovery. Although
most Western practitioners would agree that eventually confronting (rather than
avoiding) aversive emotions is favorable and associated with positive outcomes, the
study suggests that the extremely brief nature of this early intervention may heighten,
rather than alleviate, distress symptoms. Thus, while the intention is honorable, the
ultimate impact is arguably more important. According to the research, the integrity of
PD, and CISD are at best marginally effective and at worst harmful to the psychological
wellbeing of individuals after trauma. Emerging research suggests PFA may also be
problematic.
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Traditional Talk Therapy: David Berceli,
., an internationally recognized expert
in the areas of trauma intervention and conflict resolution, states that "trauma-induced
behavior cannot be rectified with the use of traditional crisis intervention techniques that
depend on logical processing because trauma behavior is an illogical, instinctual
response not under the control of the rational brain." Many trauma researchers and
clinicians agree that being able to tell the story is an important part of trauma
processing, but often, using traditional Western "talk therapy" can also be high-risk for
individuals in a state of hyper-arousal. The potential to overwhelm the nervous system
and re-traumatize is a real possibility and counterproductive to facilitating a
physiological restoration to a state of calm.
The field of PTSD prevention is still in its infancy and has extremely promising growth
potential. Second Response PLAYshops have already repeatedly shown to be
efficacious at safely releasing deeply held emotions.
The PLAYshops Difference
Second Response created PLAYshops in response to the lack of effective, transcultural,
secondary prevention methods specifically addressing the needs of children in the short-
term aftermath of a traumatic event. Very little research exists to guide and develop
such methods, which is disturbing considering the estimated ten million children per
year who are exposed to a severe traumatic event in the United States alone.
PLAYshops are 30- to 45-minute facilitated group experiences designed to create the
"temenos" that has been ruptured or exacerbated by a disaster and reconnect children
with their vibrant selves, what C.G. Jung calls "the Self." What is groundbreaking in the
PLAYshop's approach is its non-verbal, body-centered exercises intended for children
to effortlessly release fear, anger and grief from their bodies by accessing their innate
ability to play. If these emotions are buried in their bodies, often the case following
trauma, children's "Selves" become imprisoned and their developmental growth suffers
as well as their capacity for happiness.
PLAYshops consist of ten or more exercises that are presented and experienced as
simple fun and games. These exercises restore fundamental bodily rhythms with
clapping and stomping. They reestablish deep, steady breathing in mimicked play. The
alternating of wiggling and loosening with intentional tightening and stiffening of the
body releases unconscious muscular tension or holding. This group of alternating
exercises, grounded in both theater training and scientific research, is designed to
improve circulation and respiration, revitalize muscle tone, restore flexibility to joints,
and unclog stagnated blood supply. Encouraging deep laughter, wailing, screaming and
creative improvisation frees suppressed cries of anguish and clears the body of the
trapped emotions of fear and pain. While children often separate from their emotions
and body in response to fear, PLAYshop exercises bring them back into their bodies,
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help them reconnect the fear-response emotions, and thus promote full expression and
release of the traumatic energy.
Why PLAYshops Work: The Role of the Body
PLAYshops are rooted in the theories and methods of body-centered, somatically
oriented, movement-based play therapies. These modalities help with the creation of
what body-centered therapists call "potential space": the space where clients are allowed
to regress and fully delve into pretend play, using objects and metaphors. In doing so,
they are able to work through experiences that might otherwise be left unexpressed and
unaddressed.
Many forms of therapy neglect to include the body as part of the treatment process, but
an increasing number of research studies suggest that the psychological process is
invariably tied to the body. Trauma is often thought of as being embodied, in other
words, afflicted individuals hold implicit memories of the trauma in both their minds
and bodies; even those who believe trauma manifests less somatically, including the
most conservative psychologists, can still agree that there is tremendous value in
understanding the physiological aspects of trauma.
Following are a few of the many resources exploring the body-mind connection in
trauma.
• In her book The Body Remembers, Babette Rothschild, a psychotherapist and
somatic trauma specialist, takes a psychophysiological approach to trauma. She
suggests that existing treatments are adequate for treating the traumatized mind,
but not the traumatized body, where a lot of pain and stress is stored. She credits
her work to the research of Bessel van der Kolk, a psychiatrist most known for his
work in attachment theory and neurobiological components of trauma. In van der
Kolk's 1994 article in the Harvard Review of Psychiatry, The Body Keeps the
Score, he states, "After years and years of working in this and grappling with this,
the conclusion that many of us are coming to is that in order to help these animal,
frozen, inappropriate, fight/flight/freeze responses to come to an end, you need to
work with people's bodily responses. You need to help their body to feel like it's
over." Antonio Damasio, a leading neuroscientist, was also part of the
groundwork for Rothschild's observations due to his significant contribution to
the field of psychiatry by offering a neurobiological theory about the relationship
between mind, emotions, and body.
• The Polyvagal Theory, proposed by Stephen Porges of the Brain-Body Center at
the University of Illinois, posits that there is a connection between physiology and
behavior, specifically the influence of the phylogenetic system (the vagus nerve in
particular) on neural structures regulating the heart and consequently behavior.
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Porges states that when children feel unsafe, their behavioral response exists on a
visceral level in the nervous system, which he calls "neuroception" or "gut
response." Neuroception is the nervous system's way of evaluating risk and
tracking danger. When it detects safety, the physiological response of the body
resembles what we would label pro-social behavior; in the presence of danger,
defense strategies of "fight, flight, or freeze" surface. Children, particularly those
who have experienced chronic maltreatment or trauma, not only develop
unreliable neuroceptions but also begin to shift the way they assess their
environment, often relying on nonverbal cues and focusing their attention on the
tone, pitch and rhythm of people's voices, mannerisms and facial expressions.
This shift resembles the behavior of infants who lack the capacity to form
coherent language. For this reason, Porges recommends therapeutic methods that
use visceral components to cultivate "interpersonal rhythms" and recalibrate the
gut response in children. PLAYshops incorporate these findings by including
simple clapping games, rhythmic stomping, and marching as a way of restoring
rhythm, stability, and control, which helps children balance what Constantin
Stanislayski referred to as, "internal tempo-rhythm." Throughout the experience,
Children are encouraged to soften their knees, relax their muscles and breathe
deeply. Porges suggests that the parasympathetic nervous system is frozen as a
defense response to shock; this component of the PLAYshop especially helps it to
reactivate.
• Neuropsychologist Allan Schore, a pioneer in the field of biopsychosocial
approaches, argues in his milestone book Affect Regulation and the Origin of the
Self that attachment style in infancy influences the development of brain
structure. He uses attachment and psychoanalytic theories such as the previously
mentioned "temenos" to explain not only the importance of the bond between
infant and mother, but that early interpersonal style follows an individual into
adulthood. Schore suggests that this psychological process also occurs on a
cellular level and the interweaving of these psychological and neurobiological
levels is critical to a child's capacity to self-regulate emotions, develop accurate
neuroceptions, and cope with stress. In the same vein as Porges, Schore
discovered that because emotion regulation is moderated by pathways in the right
hemisphere of the brain, interventions that rely primarily on cognitive abilities
such as supportive counseling, traditional psychotherapy, or cognitive
restructuring are often ineffective in treating trauma.
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The Vital Role of Movement
Movement, or motion, is fundamentally linked to emotion. Dating back to 1579, the
word "emotion" is adapted from the Old French word esmovoir, meaning, "to set in
motion." Physiologically, strong emotions literally move the body and may be followed
by changes such as increased heartbeat and respiration, dilated pupils, laughing, active
gesturing, or crying.
Mirroring: Perhaps one of the best known therapeutic interventions that illustrates the
mind-body connection is Dance and Movement Therapy (DMT), defined as "the
psychotherapeutic use of movement to further the emotional, cognitive, physical, and
social integration of the individual." One technique used in movement-based therapies
such as DMT is mirroring, which consists of imitating movements and expressions.
Mirroring helps with the enhancement of empathy in addition to emotional
understanding, and cognitive, physical, and social functioning. Charles Darwin, in his
book The Expression of Emotion in Man and Animals, wrote that the very first type of
communication is through the minoring of bodily and facial expressions between
mother and infant. Throughout PLAYshop exercises, participants are invited to mimic
the emotions and behaviors of the facilitators. In this manner, mirroring is used as a way
of regulating emotion through granting children permission to express not just their joy
and laughter but their frustration, anger, and sadness as well. This approach facilitates
unconditional acceptance of the range of reactions to trauma, rather than insisting they
be dismissed or, worse, denied altogether; furthermore, it resists the dominant tendency
to discuss or explain our experience.
Synchrony: Dance therapist Janet Adler developed a movement-based technique she
named synchrony in her work with autistic children. Inspired by Mary Whitehouse's
work on Authentic Movement, synchrony encourages the use of movement as a means
of communication to connect with the self and others. It is defined as a "harmonious and
simultaneous responsiveness without merger or loss of boundaries or self/object
differentiation."
The Vital Role of Play
Unlike adults, for whom flashbacks are common, children more often process traumatic
experience through enactment; thus, they are more inclined to act out rather than
visualize or discuss their experiences. Play, on an elemental and innate level, facilitates
"temenos" and allows children to express their inner psyche. In studies examining
children who witness domestic violence, play therapy is shown to be an effective
intervention because it enhances children's sense of control and provides organization to
their experiences, both of which are undermined in the face of trauma.
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• In 1995, Jasenka Roje,
and colleagues used art therapy with children in an
elementary school after an earthquake in Los Angeles, California and reported the
intervention was highly effective in directing children toward normal functioning.
• In 1986, Rosemarie Galante,
. and Dario Foa,
. conducted art and play
therapy with 300 elementary students in Italy once a month following an
earthquake and reported the intervention significantly reduced the intensity of
post-traumatic stress symptoms after seven months and the children's fears of
earthquakes after 12 months.
• In 2002, the Happy Growth therapy program was created as part of the PTSD
Children's Psychological Recovery project sponsored by the National Science
Council in Taiwan in response to the September 1999 7.3 earthquake. The school-
based program incorporates play, art, and storytelling to help children process
trauma without being limited to their verbal ability.
Second Response facilitators are aware of children's need to loosen their joints, shake
their legs, swirl their hips, laugh, scream, bounce and, quite simply, play. Jean Piaget,
the iconic Swiss developmental psychologist, wrote in 1951:
Children protect themselves from the tyranny of the world, from the prison of
categorization, by using symbolic play as a dynamic, individual mode to preserve
subjective feelings when collective language proves inadequate.
Friedrich Schiller, the 18th-century German poet described play as an overflow of
energy over and above what is required for survival. Nanette Auerhahn and Dori Laub
highlight the idea that play is more likely to occur when individuals are living, rather
than simply surviving, in a 1987 article on the psychological and social impact of the
Holocaust. The authors argue that if traumatized adults want to begin the healing
process, they must first remember how to play. They explain that when a traumatized
generation displays collective skepticism and disillusionment towards humanity, the
capacity for minoring and empathy - traits fundamental to creating and maintaining
interpersonal relationships - are lowered, and social connectedness is weakened, leading
to a collective internal loneliness that characterizes trauma-related disorders.
Cross-Cultural Considerations
Fear is considered by many researchers to be one of the only emotions expressed and
perceived universally and across all cultures. Humans have the capacity to experience
fear, helplessness, or honor when exposed to traumatic stress regardless of culture or
racial/ethnic group; the difference between cultures is the way fear is conceptualized
and how individuals respond. These differences often rest in where a group is located on
the spectrum between individualism and collectivism, which can subsequently affect the
assessment and treatment of trauma-related disorders.
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In his 2011 book Crazy Like Us: The Globalization of the American Psyche, journalist
Ethan Watters states that the influence of American culture does not stop at the golden
arches or in Nike factories, but extends to the human psyche via the internationally
recognized Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) of Mental Disorders, created by
U.S. mental health professionals. Citing several devastating disasters around the world,
Watters argues that interventions such as Psychological First Aid, often delivered by
Western-trained providers, makes presumptions of the way people experience pain, and
consequently the process by which they heal.
Two components of post-traumatic stress most commonly found in non-Western
individuals compared to their Western counterparts are somatization and dissociation. In
the DSM-IV TR, these were either missing from the diagnostic criteria or the focus was
on only one symptom. The current DSM-V has incorporated and placed more weight on
somatic and dissociation symptoms to reflect the increasingly consistent finding that
post-traumatic stress and related disorders are not just chronic anxiety, but a rupture to
the body's natural way of self- regulating. Somatization of trauma symptoms is
commonly found in Asian and Central American refugees, while dissociation has been
observed in Turkish women (particularly survivors of childhood sexual abuse), Japanese
women, and Cambodian refugees.
Cross-culturally, post-traumatic responses do not necessarily include symptoms such as
flashbacks and nightmares, as described by the DSM-IV TR. Survivors of war-torn
Afghanistan have difficulty translating their dominant symptom to English; the closest
phrase they can find to describe their internal state is "nervous anger." In El Salvador, a
country that has seen its share of civil unrest, a common response to trauma can only be
described as a type of "internal heat that is very intense." In Cambodia, rather than the
DSM-defined re-experiencing of symptoms, survivors often say "angry spirits" visit
them at night. Among East Africans, much of their pain manifests in the body, such as
feeling exhausted or having sudden physical reactions when reminded of the traumatic
event.
The vast majority of existing mental health treatments that are recognized and utilized
are based on Western ideals of individualism, rather than the collectivism that is the
orientation of many other cultures. One example cited in Ethan Watter's book is that of
Gaithri Fernando, a cross-cultural psychologist specializing in post-traumatic stress who
was in Sri Lanka in 2004 when the tsunami hit. Fernando noticed a striking difference
between Western and Sri Lankan conceptualizations of mental illness. Western
psychologists believe mental illness originates within an individual, causing poor social
functioning, while the Sri Lankans viewed the symptoms of mental illness as the social
disruption that then affects an individual. PLAYshops address both group and individual
concerns.
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EFTA00284158
How PLAYshops Transcend Cultural Bias
PLAYshops use time-honored methods similar to the non-verbal and body-based
approaches (e.g. qi gong and yoga) to heal mental and physical disorders long before the
advancement of treatments such as Cognitive Behavioral Therapy. While CBT
approaches to healing are currently accepted and widely disseminated, the method is
still relatively new and most CBT research has been conducted with middle-class
Caucasian populations, rendering its administration to individuals outside those social
groups less than practical.
In a 2005 study examining the therapeutic dynamic between Caucasian therapists
working with non-Caucasian populations, the authors discussed the expression of
"genuineness" as the moderating factor for creating a positive and effective rapport.
Within the African American culture, the authors note genuineness typically refers to "a
willingness to embrace a more egalitarian relationship." Participants in the study, mostly
children, reported that clinicians who practiced what they taught and actively
participated in role-plays and group games created a sense of openness within the group.
By allowing children to call them by their first names, sitting on the floor with them,
and playing and laughing together, the facilitators were able to reduce the power
differential that is often inherent in a therapeutic relationship, and create a supportive
and safe space. This is the approach used in PLAYshops.
Among Second Response staff, volunteers, and trainers, efforts are made that racial
and/or ethnic minorities comprise approximately 15-20% at any given time, a number
we will actively increase over the next two years. Second Response will remain
sensitive to the prototypical Western to Eastern hegemonic bias, as well as the dynamics
between our mental health professionals and PLAYshop participants.
A Vignette: Sri Lanka, 2005
On a Sunday morning in January 2005 only a few weeks after the devastating tsunami
struck the entire region, the Second Response Trauma Team gathered in a muddy
schoolyard in Weligama, a town in the Southern Province of Sri Lanka, and began an
entirely spontaneous, unscripted PLAYshop with roughly 50 barefoot children. This
report is by Second Response's founder William Spear:
"We start our echo game, clapping and dancing. Every child is a copycat to what we do.
They love it. Our hands are up, then down. We are jumping, and then kneeling low.
Jonah, Rony and I weave in and out of the circle effortlessly. We work well together
with no script. Rony starts a different clapping game while Jonah and I join the circle.
Next thing we know, Jonah is in the middle sounding, yelling, laughing. Jonah wiggles
his butt. The time is right for me to begin the windup with my red clown nose in hand, a
game Jonah and I have developed. Like a cricket pitcher, my arm moves like a windmill
16
EFTA00284159
gathering speed, the clown nose clearly between my fingers. Jonah stands like the
catcher. I make to pitch the nose and Jonah, his own nose hidden in his hand, makes as
if he catches it and slips it on his own nose. The kids laugh at what has appeared. Their
laughter becomes mine, and mine, Jonah's, and Jonah's, Rony's, and back to the kids,
who convulse with their own delightful laughter. I let out a hysterical laugh, Jonah
follows and before long every single child is in stitches, and most of the onlookers, both
children, and adults too, have joined in.
I notice the ITN cameraman struggling to steady his camera. The network anchorman,
spotting valuable footage emerging for his new feature, grins wildly. This uncontrolled
laughter, the contagious glee engulfs everyone in sight. Without warning, Jonah
proceeds to the edge of hysteria, and his laughter shifts to wailing, tears, and torrents of
crying. I follow, as does Rony, and soon all of us are crying like babies. Exaggerated
tears, contorted bodies doubled up, we are a mass of sorrow 30 seconds after we were
one happy family. The wailing intensifies until each exhale carries a louder and louder
cry. The cry becomes a scream as every child continues his or her copycat routine. Our
screams now become even more intense and soon everyone has hands raised and is
screaming like there is no tomorrow. While we are screaming, we begin to move, jump,
run - near chaos, in fun, breaks through the circle - and everyone begins their pretend
hysterics, screaming for help. Laughter, tears and pretend terror blend into the only
reason we really came: to release. The circle has unexpectedly grown to nearly 200 kids
large; the entire schoolyard is filled with rings of adults who clearly approve of this
explosion.
We are looking for the difficult ones, the ones who are disconnected, withdrawn, and
still stuck. As I spot one, I move out of the circle and casually stand behind him. As
planned, Jonah notices where I stop and sees the little one in front of me, arms crossed.
Jonah turns around and faces other children and slowly changes his mannerisms to have
his arms crossed in disgruntlement. Hrrrmph! The echo and hand gestures follow. Now
every child's arms are crossed. Jonah steps around, hrrrmpphing. Kids follow. He feigns
deep disappointment, frustration. Every child copies him. Then he turns partway around
and slightly modifies his stance, suddenly flinging one arm wildly up while the other
remains crossed in front of his chest. The wild arm returns, and both arms are again
crossed in front. Kids copy, the camera rolls. This time, the other arm goes wild, soaring
up to the sky, and right after that both arms release their grip and the body has opened.
Copycats do the same thing. Jonah turns to see our subject, now smiling and loose. He
interacts with Jonah, alternately flinging and re-crossing his arms and back again.
Grumps, hrrmmphs, and 'bogga bogga boggas' explode from Jonah, Rony and me as
each child returns the call. After two or three cycles, our little one is totally engaged and
plays along. Jonah takes him on a ride of expression, release, and wild fun. He is
unaware of the bioenergetic work he is doing to release his frustration, his fear - even a
piece of his grief.
17
EFTA00284160
These songs, clapping, and breathing games continue for another five or ten minutes,
until it is time to leave. A good 45 minutes after we walked into the camp as unknowns,
kids encircle us to get their pictures taken, touch, shake hands, hug, and ask our names.
Mark, the ITN anchorman, makes his way over to me to tell me something, his face
wide-eyed, smiling. 'I must tell you what that man over there said to our producer,'
Mark began. 'He told us he's one of the teachers who lives in this village. As you were
doing the wave game, he said to her, 'This is exactly what these kids need. They are
children, and they have not had any chance to express themselves and have fun.
Children have to release all this pent up energy after the tsunami and they needed these
games and a chance to be children again so very badly. I am so happy now - the
children got what they needed, a chance to be children again.' "
Conclusion
We are clear that somatically based interventions have great potential in the field
of disaster relief; we also acknowledge the value of serious academic inquiry.
Second Response actively seeks collaborators and opportunities for further study,
leading to the development of research methodologies. All this can ultimately help
more children recover their natural ability and return to health.
18
EFTA00284161
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