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Praise for The Greatest Story Ever Told—So Far
"In every debate I've done with theologians and religious believers, their
knock-out final argument always comes in the form of two questions:
Why is there something rather than nothing? and Why are we here? The
presumption is that if science provides no answers then there must be a
God. But God or no, we still want answers. In A Universe from Nothing
Lawrence Krauss, one of the biggest thinkers of our time, addressed the
first question with verve, and in The Greatest Story Ever Told he tackles
the second with elegance. Both volumes should be placed in hotel rooms
across America, in the drawer next to the Gideon Bible
—Michael Shermer, publisher of Skeptic magazine, columnist for
Scientific American, and author of The Moral Arc
"Discovering the bedrock nature of physical reality ranks as one of
humanity's greatest collective achievements. This book gives a fine
account of the main ideas and how they emerged. Krauss is himself
close to the field and can offer insights into the personalities who have
led the key advances. A practiced and skilled writer, he succeeds in
making the physics 'as simple as possible but no simpler: I don't know a
better book on this subject?
—Martin Rees, author of Just Six Numbers
"It is an exhilarating experience to be led through this fascinating story,
from Galileo to the Standard Model and the Higgs boson and beyond,
with lucid detail and insight, illuminating vividly not only the achieve-
ments themselves but also the joy of creative thought and discovery,
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enriched with vignettes of the remarkable individuals who paved the
way. It amply demonstrates that the discovery that 'nature really follows
the simple and elegant rules intuited by the twentieth- and twenty-first-
century versions of Plato's philosopher? is one of the most astonishing
achievements of the human intellect."
—Noam Chomsky, Institute Professor & Professor of
Linguistics (emeritus), MIT
"Charming ... Krauss has written an account with sweep and verve that
shows the full development of our ideas about the makeup of the world
around us.... A great romp."
—Walter Gilbert, Nobel laureate in chemistry
1 loved the fight scenes and the sex scenes were excellent."
—Eric Idle
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ALSO BY LAWRENCE M. KRAUSS
A Universe from Nothing
The Fifth Essence
Fear of Physics
The Physics of Star Trek
Beyond Star Trek
Hiding in the Mirror
Quintessence
Atom
Quantum Man
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THE GREATEST
STORY EVER
TOLD-SO FAR
WHY ARE WE HERE?
Lawrence M. Krauss
ATRIA BOOKS
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ATRIA BOOKS
An Imprint of Simon & Schuster, Inc.
1230 Avenue of the Americas
New York, NY 10020
Copyright 0 2017 by Lawrence Krauss
All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof
in any form whatsoever. For information, address Atria Books Subsidiary Rights
Department. 1230 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10020.
First Atria Books hardcover edition March 2017
ATRIA BOOKS and colophon are trademarks of Simon & Schuster, Inc.
For information about special discounts for bulk purchases, please contact Simon
& Schuster Special Sales at 1-866-506-1949 or
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Interior design by Dana Sloan
Manufactured in the United States of America
109 8 7 6 543 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
ISBN 978-1-4767-7761-0
ISBN 978-1-4767-7763-4 (ebook)
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For Nancy
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These are the tears of things,
and the stuff of our mortality
cuts us to the heart.
—VIRGIL
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CONTENTS
Prologue
1
Part One: Genesis
Chapter 1: From the Armoire to the Cave
9
Chapter 2: Seeing in the Dark
19
Chapter 3: Through a Glass, Lightly
33
Chapter 4: There, and Back Again
45
Chapter S: A Stitch in Time
55
Chapter 6: The Shadows of Reality
71
Chapter?: A Universe Stranger than Fiction
83
Chapter 8: A Wrinkle in Time
97
Chapter 9: Decay and Rubble
113
Chapter 10: From Here to Infinity: Shedding Light on the Sun
125
Part Two: Exodus
Chapter 11: Desperate Times and Desperate Measures
Chapter 12: March of the Titans
Chapter 13: Endless Forms Most Beautiful: Symmetry
Strikes Back
xl
139
151
167
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xi'
CONTENTS
Chapter 14: Cold, Stark Reality: Breaking Bad or Beautiful?
181
Chapter 15: Living inside a Superconductor
191
Chapter 16: The Bearable Heaviness of Being: Symmetry
Broken, Physics Fixed
201
Part Three: Revelation
Chapter 17 The Wrong Place at the Right Time
211
Chapter 18: The Fog Lifts
219
Chapter 19: Free at Last
231
Chapter 2O: Spanking the Vacuum
249
Chapter 21: Gothic Cathedrals of the Twenty-First Century
259
Chapter 22: More Questions than Answers
275
Chapter 23: From a Beer Party to the End of Time
289
Epilogue:
Cosmic Humility
301
Acknowledgments
307
Index
309
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PROLOGUE
The hardest thing of all to see Is what Is really there.
-J. A. BAKER, THE PEREGRINE
L the beginning there was light.
But more than this, there was gravity.
After that, all hell broke loose....
This is how the story of the greatest intellectual adventure in history
might properly be introduced. It is a story of science's quest to uncover the
hidden realities underlying the world of our experience, which required
marshaling the very pinnacle of human creativity and intellectual bravery
on an unparalleled global scale. This process would not have been possible
without a willingness to dispense with all kinds of beliefs and preconcep-
tions and dogma, scientific and otherwise. The story is filled with drama
and surprise. It spans the full arc of human history, and most remarkably,
the current version isn't even the final one—just another working draft.
It's a story that deserves to be shared far more broadly. Already in the
first world, parts of this story are helping to slowly replace the myths
and superstitions that more ignorant societies found solace in centuries
or millennia ago. Nevertheless, thanks to the directors George Stevens
and David Lean, the Judeo-Christian Bible is still sometimes referred
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PROLOGUE
to as "the greatest story ever told." This characterization is astounding
because, even allowing for the frequent sex and violence, and a bit of
poetry in the Psalms, the Bible as a piece of literature arguably does not
compare well to the equally racy but less violent Greek and Roman epics
such as the Aeneid or the Odyssey-even if the English translation of the
Bible has served as a model for many subsequent books. Either way, as
a guide for understanding the world, the Bible is pathetically inconsis-
tent and outdated. And one might legitimately argue that as a guide for
human behavior large swaths of it border on the obscene.
In science, the very word sacred is profane. No ideas, religious or
otherwise, get a free pass. For this reason the pinnacle of the human
story did not conclude with a prophet's sacrifice two thousand years
ago, any more than it did with the death of another prophet six hundred
years later. The story of our origins and our future is a tale that keeps on
telling. And the story is getting more interesting all the time, not due to
revelation, but due to the steady march of scientific discovery.
Contrary to many popular perceptions, this scientific story also en-
compasses both poetry and a deep spirituality. But this spirituality has
the additional virtue of being tied to the real world—and not created in
large part to appease our hopes and dreams.
The lessons of our exploration into the unknown, led not by our de-
sires, but by the force of experiment, are humbling. Five hundred years
of science have liberated humanity from the shackles of enforced igno-
rance. By this standard, what cosmic arrogance lies at the heart of the
assertion that the universe was created so that we could exist? What
myopia lies at the heart of the assumption that the universe of our expe-
rience is characteristic of the universe throughout all of time and space?
This anthropocentrism has fallen by the wayside as a result of the
story of science. What replaces it? Have we lost something in the pro-
cess, or as I shall argue, have we gained something even greater?
I once said at a public event that the business of science is to make
people uncomfortable. I briefly regretted the remark because I worried
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PROLOGUE
3
that it would scare people away. But being uncomfortable is a virtue, not
a hindrance. Everything about our evolutionary history has primed our
minds to be comfortable with concepts that helped us survive, such as
the natural teleological tendency children have to assume objects exist
to serve a goal, and the broader tendency to anthropomorphize, to as-
sign agency to lifeless objects, because clearly it is better to mistake an
inert object for a threat than a threat for an inert object.
Evolution didn't prepare our minds to appreciate long or short time-
scales or short or huge distances that we cannot experience directly. So
it is no wonder that some of the remarkable discoveries of the scientific
method, such as evolution and quantum mechanics, are nonintuitive at
best, and can draw most of us well outside our myopic comfort zone.
This is also what makes the greatest story ever told so worth telling. The
best stories challenge us. They cause us to see ourselves differently, to re-
align our picture of ourselves and our place in the cosmos. This is not only
true for the greatest literature, music, and art. It is true of science as well.
In this sense it is unfortunate that replacing ancient beliefs with modern
scientific enlightenment is often described as a "loss of faith." How much
greater is the story our children will be able to tell than the story we have
told? Surely that is the greatest contribution of science to civilization: to
ensure that the greatest books are not those of the past, but of the future.
Every epic story has a moral. In ours, we find that letting the cosmos
guide our minds through empirical discovery can produce a great rich-
ness of spirit that harnesses the best of what humanity has to offer. It
can give us hope for the future by allowing us to enter it with our eyes
open and with the necessary tools to actively participate in it.
•
•
•
My previous book, A Universe from Nothing, described how the revolu-
tionary discoveries over the past hundred years have changed the way we
understand our evolving universe on its largest scales. This change has led
science to begin to directly address the question Why is there something
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PROLOGUE
rather than nothing?"—which was formerly religious territory—and re-
work it into something less solipsistic and operationally more useful.
Like A Universe from Nothing, this story also originated in a lecture I
presented, in this case at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC,
which generated some excitement at the time, and as a result I was once
again driven to elaborate upon the ideas I started to develop there. In con-
trast to A Universe from Nothing, in this book I explore the other end of the
spectrum of our knowledge and its equally powerful implications for under-
standing age-old questions. The profound changes over the past hundred
years in the way we understand nature at its smallest scales are allowing us
to similarly co-opt the equally fundamental question Why are we here?"
We will find that reality is not what we think it is. Under the surface
are "weird: counterintuitive, invisible inner workings that can chal-
lenge our preconceptions of what makes sense as much as a universe
arising from nothing might.
And like the conclusion I drew in my last book, the ultimate lesson
from the story I will tell here is that there is no obvious plan or purpose to
the world we find ourselves living in. Our existence was not preordained,
but appears to be a curious accident. We teeter on a precarious ledge with
the ultimate balance determined by phenomena that lie well beneath the
surface of our experience—phenomena that don't rely in any way upon
our existence. In this sense, Einstein was wrong: "God" does appear to
play dice with the universe, or universes. So far we have been lucky. But
like playing at the craps table, our luck may not last forever.
•
•
•
Humanity took a major step toward modernity when it dawned in our
ancestors' consciousness that there is more to the universe than meets
the eye. This realization was probably not accidental. We appear to be
hardwired to need a narrative that transcends and makes sense of our
own existence, a need that was probably intimately related to the rise of
religious belief in early human societies.
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PROLOGUE
5
By contrast, the story of the rise of modern science and its divergence
from superstition is the tale of how the hidden realities of nature were
uncovered by reason and experiment through a process in which seem-
ingly disparate, strange, and sometimes threatening phenomena were
ultimately understood to be connected just beneath the visible surface.
Ultimately these connections dispelled the goblins and fairies that had
earlier spawned among our ancestors.
The discovery of connections between otherwise seemingly dispa-
rate phenomena is, more than any other single indicator, the hallmark
of progress in science. The many classic examples include Newton's
connection of the orbit of the Moon to a falling apple; Galileo's recogni-
tion that vastly different observed behaviors for falling objects obscure
that they are actually attracted to the earth's surface at the same rate;
and Darwin's epic realization that the diversity of life on Earth could
arise from a single progenitor by the simple process of natural selection.
None of these connections was all that obvious, at first. However, after
the relationship comes to light and becomes clear, it prompts an "Ahar
experience of understanding and familiarity. One feels like saying, 1
should have thought of that!"
Our modern picture of nature at its most fundamental scale—the
Standard Model, as it has become called—contains an embarrassment
of riches, connections that are far removed from the realm of everyday
experience. So far removed that it is impossible without some ground-
ing to make the leap in one step to visualize them.
Not surprisingly, such a single leap never occurred historically, ei-
ther. A series of remarkable and unexpected and seemingly unrelated
connections emerged to form the coherent picture we now have. The
mathematical architecture that has resulted is so ornate that it almost
seems arbitrary. "Ahar is usually the furthest thing from the lips of the
noninitiated when they hear about the Higgs boson or Grand Unifica-
tion of the forces of nature.
To move beyond the surface layers of reality, we need a story that
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PROLOGUE
connects the world we know with the deepest corners of the invisible
world all around us. We cannot understand that hidden world with in-
tuitions based solely on direct sensation. That is the story I want to tell
here. I will take you on a journey to the heart of those mysteries that
lie at the edge of our understanding of space, time, and the forces that
operate within them. My goal is not to unnecessarily provoke or offend,
but to prod you, just as we physicists ourselves have been prodded and
dragged by new discoveries into a new reality that is at once both un-
comfortable and uplifting.
Our most recent discoveries about nature's fundamental scales have
chillingly altered our perception of the inevitability of our presence in
the universe. They provide evidence too that the future will no doubt be
radically different from what we might otherwise have imagined, and
they too further decrease our cosmic significance.
We might prefer to deny this uncomfortable, inconvenient reality,
this impersonal, apparently random universe, but if we view it in an-
other context, all of this need not be depressing. A universe without
purpose, which is the way it is as far as I can tell, is far more exciting
than one designed just for us because it means that the possibilities of
existence are so much more diverse and far ranging. How invigorating
it is to find ourselves with an exotic menagerie to explore, with laws and
phenomena that previously seemed beyond our wildest dreams, and to
attempt to untangle the knotted confusion of experience and to search
for some sense of order beneath. And how fascinating it is to discover
that order, and to piece together a coherent picture of the universe on
scales far beyond those that we may ever directly experience—a picture
woven together by our ability to predict what will happen next, and the
consequent ability to control the environment around us. How lucky
to have our brief moment in the Sun. Every day that we discover some-
thing new and surprising, the story gets even better.
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Part One
GENESIS
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Chapter 1
FROM THE ARMOIRE TO
THE CAVE
The simple inherit folly, but the prudent are crowned
with knowledge.
-PROVERBS 14:18
L my beginning there was light.
Surely there was light at the beginning of time, but before we can get to
the beginning of time, we will need to explore our own beginnings, which
also means exploring the beginning of science. And that means returning
to the ultimate motive for both science and religion: the longing for some-
thing else. Something beyond the universe of our experience.
For many people, that longing translates into something that gives
meaning and purpose to the universe and extends to a longing for some
hidden place that is better than the world in which we live, where sins
are forgiven, pain is absent, and death does not exist. Others, however,
long for a hidden place of a very different sort, the physical world beyond
our senses, the world that helps us understand how things behave the
way they do, rather than why. This hidden world underlies what we ex-
perience, and the understanding of it gives us the power to change our
lives, our environment, and our future.
9
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THE GREATEST STORY EVER TOLD-SO FAR
The contrast between these two worlds is reflected in two very dif-
ferent works of literature.
The first, The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, by C. S. Lewis, is a
twentieth-century children's fantasy with decidedly religious overtones. It
captures a childhood experience most of us have had—looking under the
bed or in the closet or in the attic for hidden treasure or evidence that there
is more out there than what we normally experience. In the book, several
schoolchildren discover a strange new world, Narnia, by climbing into a
large wardrobe in the country house outside London where they have been
sequestered for their protection during the Second World War. The chil-
dren help save Narnia with the aid of a lion, who lets himself be humiliated
and sacrificed, Christlike, at an altar in order to conquer evil in his world.
While the religious allusion in
story is clear, we can also in-
terpret it in another way—as an allegory, not for the existence of God or
the devil, but rather for the remarkable and potentially terrifying possi-
bilities of the unknown, possibilities that lie just beyond the edge of our
senses, just waiting for us to be brave enough to seek them out. Possibili-
ties that, once revealed, may enrich our understanding of ourselves or,
for some who feel a need, provide a sense of value and purpose.
The portal to a hidden world inside the wardrobe is at once safe, with
the familiar smell of oft-worn clothes, and mysterious. It implies the need
to move beyond classical notions of space and time. For if nothing is
revealed to an observer who is in front of or behind the wardrobe, and
something is revealed only to someone inside, then the space experienced
inside the wardrobe must be far larger than that seen from its outside.
Such a concept is characteristic of a universe in which space and time
can be dynamical, as in the General Theory of Relativity, where, for ex-
ample, from outside the "event horizon" of a black hole—that radius inside
of which there is no escape—a black hole might appear to comprise a
small volume, but for an observer inside (who has not yet been crushed
to smithereens by the gravitational forces present), the volume can look
quite different. Indeed, it is possible, though beyond the domain where we
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11
can perform reliable calculations, that the space inside a black hole might
provide a portal to another universe disconnected from our own.
But the central point I want to return to is that the possibility of
universes beyond our perception seems to be tied, in the literary and
philosophical imagination, at least, to the possibility that space itself is
not what it seems.
The harbinger of this notion, the "ur" story if you will, was written
twenty-three centuries before Lewis penned his fantasy. I refer to Plato's
Republic, and in particular to my favorite section, the Allegory of the Cave.
But in spite of its early provenance, it illuminates more directly and more
clearly both the potential necessity and the potential perils of searching
for understanding beyond the reach of our immediate senses.
In the allegory, Plato likens our experience of reality to that of a
group of individuals who live their entire lives imprisoned inside a cave,
forced to face a blank wall. Their only view of the real world is that wall,
which is illuminated by a fire behind them, and on which they see shad-
ows moving. The shadows come from objects located behind them that
the light of the fire projects on the wall.
I show the drawing below, which came from the high school text in
which I first read this allegory, in a 1961 translation of Plato's dialogues.
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THE GREATEST STORY EVER TOLD-SO FAR
The drawing is amusing because it clearly reflects as much about the
time it was drawn as it does the configuration of the cave described in
the dialogue. Why, for example, are the prisoners here all women, and
scantily clad ones at that? In Plato's day, any sexual allusion might easily
have displayed young boys.
Plato argues that the prisoners will view the shadows as reality and
even give them names. This is not unreasonable, and it is, in one sense,
as we shall soon see, a very modern view of what reality is, namely that
which we can directly measure. My favorite definition of reality still is
that given by the science fiction writer Philip K. Dick, who said, "Reality
is that which, when you stop believing in it, doesn't go away." For the
prisoners, the shadows are what they see. They are also likely to hear
only the echoes of noises made behind them as the sounds bounce off
the wall.
Plato likened a philosopher to a prisoner who is freed from bondage
and forced, almost against his will, to not only look at the fire, but to
move past it, and out to the daylight beyond. First, the poor soul will be
in distress, with the glare of the fire and the sunshine beyond the cave
hurting his eyes. Objects will appear completely unfamiliar; they will
not resemble their shadows. Plato argues that the new freeman may still
imagine the shadows that he is used to as truer representations than the
objects themselves that are casting the shadows.
If the individual is reluctantly dragged out into the sunshine, ulti-
mately all of these sensations of confusion and pain will be multiplied.
But eventually, he will become accustomed to the real world, will see the
stars and Moon and sky, and his soul and mind will be liberated of the
illusions that had earlier governed his life.
If the person returns to the cave, Plato argues, two things would hap-
pen. First, because his eyes would no longer be accustomed to the dark-
ness, he would be less able to distinguish the shadows and recognize
them, and his compatriots would view him as handicapped at best, and
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13
dim at worst. Second, he would no longer view the petty and myopic
priorities of his former society, or the honors given to those who might
best recognize the shadows and predict their future, as worthy of his
respect. As Plato poetically put it, quoting from Homer:
"Better to be the poor servant of a poor master, and to endure any-
thing, rather than think as they do and live after their manner."
So much for those whose lives are lived entirely in illusion, which
Plato suggests includes most of humanity.
Then, the allegory states that the journey upward—into the light—is
the ascent of the soul into the intellectual world.
Clearly in Plato's mind only a retreat to the purely "intellectual
world," a journey reserved for the few—aka philosophers—could replace
illusion with reality. Happily, that journey is far more accessible today
using the techniques of science, which combine reason and reflection
with empirical inquiry. Nevertheless, the same challenge remains for
scientists today: to see what is behind the shadows, to see that which,
when you drop your preconceptions, doesn't disappear.
While Plato doesn't explicitly mention it, not only would his fellow
prisoners view the poor soul who had ventured out and returned as
handicapped, but they would likely think he was crazy if he talked about
the wonders that he had glimpsed: the Sun, the Moon, lakes, trees, and
other people and their civilizations.
This idea is strikingly modern. As the frontiers of science have moved
further and further away from the world of the familiar and the world
of common sense as inferred from our direct experience, our picture of
the reality underlying our experience is getting increasingly difficult for
us to comprehend or accept. Some find it more comforting to retreat to
myth and superstition for guidance.
But, we have every reason to expect that "common sense," which first
evolved to help us cope with predators in the savannas of Africa, might
lead us astray when we attempt to think about nature on vastly differ-
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ent scales. We didn't evolve to intuitively understand the world of the
very small, the very big, or the very fast. We shouldn't expect the rules
we have come to rely on for our daily lives to be universal. While that
myopia was useful from an evolutionary perspective, as thinking beings
we can move beyond it.
In this regard, I cannot resist quoting one last admonition in Plato's
allegory:
"In the world of knowledge the idea of good appears last of all and is
seen only with an effort; and, when seen, is also inferred to be the au-
thor of all things good and right, parent of light, and ... the immediate
source of reason and truth."
Plato further argues that this is what those who would act rationally
should strive for, in both public and private life—seeking the "good" by
focusing on reason and truth. He suggests that we can only do so by
exploring the realities that underlie the world of our direct experience,
rather than by exploring the illusions of a reality that we might want
to exist. Only through rational examination of what is real, and not by
faith alone, is rational action—or good—possible.
Today, Plato's vision of "pure thought" has been replaced by the sci-
entific method, which, based on both reason and experiment, allows
us to discover the underlying realities of the world. Rational action in
public and private life now requires a basis in both reason and empiri-
cal investigation, and it often requires a departure from the solipsistic
world of our direct experience. This principle is the source of most of
my own public activism in opposition to government policies based on
ideology rather than evidence, and it is also probably why I respond so
negatively to the concept of the "sacred"—implying as it does some idea
or admonition that is off-limits to public questioning, exploration, dis-
cussion, and sometimes ridicule.
It is hard to state this view more strongly than I did in a New Yorker
piece: 'Whenever scientific claims are presented as unquestionable,
they undermine science. Similarly, when religious actions or claims
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15
about sanctity can be made with impunity in our society, we undermine
the basis of modern secular democracy. We owe it to ourselves and to
our children not to give a free pass to governments—totalitarian, theo-
cratic, or democratic—that endorse, encourage, enforce, or otherwise
legitimize the suppression of open questioning in order to protect ideas
that are considered 'sacred.' Five hundred years of science have liberated
humanity from the shackles of enforced ignorance!
Philosophical reflections aside, the prime reason I am introducing
Plato's cave here is that it can provide a concrete example of the nature
of the scientific discoveries at the heart of the story I want to tell.
Imagine a shadow that our prisoners might see on the wall, displayed
by an evil puppeteer located on a ledge in front of the fire:
This shadow displays both length and directionality, two concepts
that we, who are not confined to the cave, take for granted.
However, as the prisoners watch, this shadow changes:
Later it looks like this:
And again later like this:
And later still, like this:
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What would the prisoners infer from all of this? Presumably, that
concepts such as length or direction have no absolute meaning. The ob-
jects in their world can change both length and directionality arbitrarily.
In the reality of their direct experience, neither length nor directionality
appears to have significance.
What will the natural philosopher, who has escaped to the surface to
explore the richer world beyond the shadows, discover? He will see that
the shadow is first of all just a shadow: a two-dimensional image on the
wall cast from a real, three-dimensional object located behind the pris-
oners. He will see that the object has a fixed length that never changes,
and that it's accompanied by an arrow that is always on the same side of
the object. From a vantage point slightly above the object, he sees that
the series of images results from the projection of a rotating weather
vane onto the wall:
When he returns to join his former colleagues, the philosopher-
scientist can explain that an absolute quantity called length doesn't change
over time, and that directionality can be assigned unambiguously to cer-
tain objects as well. He will tell his friends that the real world is three-
dimensional, not two-dimensional, and that once they understand, all of
their confusion about the seemingly arbitrary changes will disappear.
Would they believe him? It would be a tough sell because they won't
have an intuitive idea of what a rotation is (after all, with an intuition
based purely on two-dimensional experience, it would likely be difficult
to "picture" mentally any rotations in a third dimension). Blank stares?
Probably. The loony bin? Maybe. However, he might win over the com-
munity by stressing attractive characteristics associated with his claim:
behavior that on the surface appears to be complex and arbitrary can be
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shown to result from a much simpler underlying picture of nature, and
seemingly disparate phenomena are actually connected and can be part
of a unified whole.
Better still, he could make predictions that his friends could test.
First, he could argue that, if the apparent change in length of the shadows
measured by the group is really due to a rotation in a third dimension,
whenever the length of the object briefly vanishes, it will immediately
reemerge with the arrow pointing in the opposite direction. Second, he
could argue that as the length oscillates, the maximum length of the
shadow when the arrow is pointing in one direction will always be ex-
actly the same as the maximum length of the shadow when it is pointing
in the other direction.
Plato's cave thus becomes an allegory for far more than he may have
intended. Plato's freed man discovers the hallmarks of the remarkable
true story of our own struggle to understand nature on its most fun-
damental scales of space, time, and matter. We too have had to escape
the shackles of our prior experience to uncover profound and beauti-
ful simplifications and predictions that can be as terrifying as they are
wonderful.
But just as the light beyond Plato's cave is painful to the eyes at first,
with time it becomes mesmerizing. And once witnessed, there is no
going back.
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Chapter 2
SEEING IN THE DARK
Let there be light: and there was light
-GENESIS 1:3
L the beginning there was light.
It is no coincidence that the ancients imagined in Genesis that light
was created on the first day. Without light, there would be little aware-
ness of the vast universe surrounding us. When we nod and say, 1 see,"
to a friend who is trying to explain something, we convey far more than
just an observation, but rather a fundamental understanding.
Plato's allegory was appropriately centered on light—light from a
fire to cast the shadows on the cave wall and light from the outside to
temporarily blind the freed prisoner and then illuminate the real world
for him. Like the prisoners in the cave, we too are prisoners of light—
almost everything we learn about the world we learn from what we see.
While the most significant words in the Western religious canon
may be Let there be light, in the modern world this phrase now has a
completely different significance from what it once did. Human beings
may be prisoners of light, but so is the universe. What once appeared as
a whim of a Judeo-Christian God, or other gods before that one, we now
understand to be required by the very laws that allow both heaven, and
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more important, Earth, to exist. You cannot have one without the other.
Earth, or matter, follows light.
This change in perception underlies almost every development in
the edifice we call modern science. I am writing these words as I stare
out from a ship at one of the Galapagos Islands, which Charles Darwin
made famous, and which made him famous in return, as he changed
our perception of life and its diversity with a single brilliant realiza-
tion: that all living species developed through the natural selection of
small inherited variations that are passed along to future generations by
survivors. As surely as the understanding of evolution changed every-
thing about our understanding of biology, our changing understanding
of light changed everything about our physical understanding of our
place in the universe. As a useful fringe benefit, this change resulted in
virtually all of the technology on which the modern world is based.
The extent to which our observations of the world imprison our
minds, and frame our description of the fabric of the universe, remained
unappreciated for more than twenty centuries following Plato. Once se-
rious minds began to investigate in detail the hidden nature of the uni-
verse, it took over four centuries for them to fully resolve the question
What is light?
Perhaps the most serious modern mind, although certainly not
the first, to ask this question was also one of the most famous—and
oddest—scientists in history: Isaac Newton. It is not inappropriate to
classify Newton as a modern mind—after all, his seventeenth-century
Principia: Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy uncovered
the classical laws of motion and laid the basis for his theory of gravity,
both of which form the foundation of much of modern physics. Never-
theless, as John Maynard Keynes pointed out:
Newton was not the first of the age of reason, he was the last of the
magicians, the last of the Babylonians and Sumerians, the last
great mind that looked out on the visible and intellectual world
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21
with the same eyes as those who began to build our intellectual
inheritance rather less than to,000 years ago.
The truth of this statement reflects the revolutionary importance
of Newton's work. After the Principia, no rational person could view
the world the same way the ancients had viewed it. But it also reflects
the character of Newton himself. He devoted far more time, and far
more ink, to writing about the occult, alchemy, and searching for hidden
meanings and codes in the Bible—focusing in particular on the Book of
Revelation and mysteries associated with the ancient Temple of Solo-
mon—than he did to writing about physics.
Newton was also one in a long line of people, which extends before
and after him, who felt that he had been specifically chosen by God to
help reveal the true meaning of the Scriptures. To what extent his stud-
ies of the universe derived from his fascination with the Bible is not
clear, but it does seem reasonable to conclude that his primary interest
was in theology, and that natural philosophy came in well below that,
and probably below alchemy as well.
Many individuals point to Newton's fascination with God as evi-
dence of the compatibility between science and religion, and to assert
that modern science owes its existence to Christianity. This confuses
history with causality. It is undeniable that many of the early giants
of modern Western natural philosophy, from Newton onward, were
deeply religious, although Darwin lost much, if not all, of his reli-
gious belief later in life. But remember that during much of this pe-
riod there were primarily two sources of education and wealth: the
Church and the Crown. The Church was the National Science Foun-
dation of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries. All in-
stitutions of higher learning were tied to various denominations, and
it was unthinkable for any educated person to not be affiliated with
the Church. And as Giordano Bruno and later Galileo discovered, it
was unpleasant at best to counter its doctrine. It would have been
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remarkable for any of these leading early scientific thinkers to have
been anything but religious.
The religiosity of the early scientific pioneers is also cited today by
sophists who claim that science and religious doctrine are compatible,
but who confuse science and scientists. In spite of frequent appearances
to the contrary, scientists are people. And like all people they are capa-
ble of holding many potentially mutually contradictory notions in their
head at the same time. No correlation between divergent views held by
any individual is representative of anything but human foibles.
To claim that some scientists are or were religious is like saying
some scientists are Republicans or some are flat-earthers or some are
creationists. It doesn't imply causality or consistency. My friend Rich-
ard Dawkins has told me of a professor of astrophysics who, during the
day, writes papers that are published in astronomical journals assuming
that the universe is more than 13 billion years old, but then goes home
and privately espouses the literal biblical claim that the universe is six
thousand years old.
What determines intellectual consistency or lack thereof in the sci-
ences is a combination of rational arguments with subsequent evidence
and continued testing. It is perfectly reasonable to claim that religion,
in the Western world, may be the mother of science. But as any parent
knows, children rarely grow up to be models of their parents.
Newton may, following tradition, have been motivated to look at
light because it was a gift from God. But we remember his work not
because of his motivation, but because of what he discovered.
Newton was convinced that light was made of particles, which he re-
ferred to as corpuscles, while Descartes, and later Newton's nemesis Robert
Hooke, and still later the Dutch scientist Christiaan Huygens, all claimed
that light was a wave. One of the key observations that appeared to support
the wave theory was that white light, such as light from the Sun, could split
into all the colors of the rainbow when passed through a prism.
As was often the case during his life, Newton believed that he was
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correct and several of his most famous contemporaries (and competi-
tors) were wrong. To demonstrate this, he devised a clever experiment
using prisms that he first performed while at home in Woolsthorpe,
to escape the bubonic plague ravaging Cambridge. As he reported at
the Royal Society in 1672, on the forty-fourth try, he observed precisely
what he hoped he would see.
Advocates of the wave theory had argued that light waves were made
of white light and that the light split into colors when it passed through
a prism because of "corruption" of the rays as they traversed the glass. In
this case, the more glass, the more splitting.
Newton reasoned that this was not the case, but that light is made
of colored particles that combine together to appear white. (With a nod
to his occult fascination, Newton classified the colored particles of the
spectrum-a term he coined—into seven different types: red, orange,
yellow, green, blue, indigo, and violet. From the time of the Greeks, the
number seven had been considered to possess mystical qualities.) To
demonstrate that the wave/corruption picture was incorrect, Newton
passed a beam of white light through two prisms held in opposite orien-
tations. The first prism split the light into its spectrum, and the second
recomposed it back into a single white light beam. This result would
have been impossible if the glass had corrupted the light. A second
prism would have simply made the situation worse and would not have
caused the light to revert back to its original state.
This result does not in fact disprove the wave theory of light (it actu-
ally supports it, because light slows down as it bends upon entering the
prism, just as waves would do). But since the advocates of that theory
had argued (incorrectly) that the spectral splitting was due to corrup-
tion, Newton's demonstration that this was not the case struck a signifi-
cant blow in favor of his particle model.
Newton went on to discover many other facets of light that we use
today in our understanding of the wave nature of light. He showed that
every color of light has a unique bend angle when passing through a
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glass prism. He also showed that all objects appear to be the same color
as the color of the light beam illuminating them. And he showed that
colored light will not change its color no matter how many times it is
reflected by or passes through a prism.
All of these results, including his original result, can be explained
simply if white light is indeed composed of a collection of different col-
ors—that much he got right. But they can't be explained if light is made
of different-colored particles. Rather, white light is composed of waves
of many different wavelengths.
Newton's opponents did not give up easily, even in the face of New-
ton's rising popularity and the death of his chief opponent, Hooke. They
did not give up even after Newton's election as president of the Royal
Society in 1703, the year he then actually published his research on light
in his epic Opticks. Indeed, the debate on the nature of light continued
to rage on for over a century.
Part of the problem with a wave picture of light was the question '
hat
is it that light is a wave of exactly?" And if it is a wave, then since all known
waves require some medium, what medium does it travel in? These ques-
tions were sufficiently perplexing that practitioners of the wave theory had
to resurrect a new invisible substance permeating all space, the ether.
The resolution of this conundrum came, as such resolutions often
do, from a totally unexpected corner of the physical world, one full of
sparks, and spinning wheels.
When I was a young professor at Yale—in the ancient but huge office
I was lucky enough to commandeer when an equally ancient colleague
retired—there was left hanging for me a copy of a photograph of Mi-
chael Faraday taken in 186i. I have treasured it ever since.
I don't believe in hero worship, but if I did, Faraday would be up
there with the best. Perhaps more than any other scientist of the nine-
teenth century, he is responsible for the technology that powers our cur-
rent civilization. Yet he had little formal education and at age fourteen
became a bookbinder's apprentice. Later in his career, after achieving
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25
world recognition for his scientific contributions, he insisted on keep-
ing to his humble roots, turning down a knighthood and twice turning
down the presidency of the Royal Society. Later on he refused to advise
the British government on the production of chemical weapons for use
in the Crimean War, citing ethical reasons. And for more than thirty-
three years he gave a series of Christmas lectures at the Royal Institu-
tion to excite young people about science. What's not to like?
Much as one might admire the man, it is the scientist who matters
here for our story. Faraday's first scientific lesson is one I tell my students:
always suck up to your professors. At the age of twenty, after completing
seven years of apprenticeship as a bookbinder, Faraday attended the lec-
tures of the famous chemist Humphry Davy, then the head of the Royal
Institution. Afterward Faraday presented Davy with a three-hundred-
page, beautifully bound book containing the notes Faraday had taken
during the lectures. Within a year, Faraday was appointed Davy's sec-
retary and shortly thereafter got an appointment as chemical assistant
in the Royal Institution. Later on, Faraday learned the same lesson but
with the opposite result. Following his excitement over some early, quite
significant experiments that he performed, Faraday accidentally forgot
to acknowledge work with Davy in his published results. This acciden-
tal snub probably resulted in his being reassigned to other activities by
Davy and delaying his world-changing research by several years.
When reassigned, Faraday had been working on the "hot" area of sci-
entific research, the newly discovered connections between electricity
and magnetism, driven by results of the Danish physicist Hans Christian
Oersted. These two forces seem quite different, yet have odd similarities.
Electric charges can attract or repel. So can magnets. Yet magnets always
seem to have two poles, north and south, which cannot be isolated, while
electric charges can individually be positive or negative.
For some time, scientists and natural philosophers had wondered if the
two forces might have some hidden connection, and the first empirical clue
came to Oersted by accident In 182o, while delivering a lecture, Oersted
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saw that a compass needle was deflected when an electric current from
a battery was switched on. A few months later he followed up on this ob-
servation and discovered that a current of moving electric charges, which
we now commonly call an electric current, produced a magnetic attraction
that caused compass needles to point in a circle around the wire.
He had blazed a new trail. Word spread quickly among scientists,
through the Continent and across the English Channel. Moving electric
charges produced a magnetic force. Could there be other connections?
Could magnets in turn influence electric charges?
Scientists searched for such a possibility, without success. Davy and an-
other colleague tried to build an electric motor based on the connection
discovered by Oersted, but failed. Faraday ultimately got a wire with a cur-
rent in it to move around a magnet, which did form a crude sort of motor. It
was this exciting development that he reported without citing Davy's name.
Partly this was mere gamesmanship. No new fundamental phenom-
enon was being uncovered. Perhaps this was the rationale for one of my
favorite (likely apocryphal) stories about Faraday. It is said that William
Gladstone, later to be British prime minister, heard of Faraday's labora-
tory, full of weird devices, and asked in 289a what the practical value of
all this study into electricity was. Faraday was purported to have replied,
"Why, sir, there is every probability that you will soon be able to tax it."
Apocryphal or not, both great irony and truth are in that witty
comeback. Curiosity-driven research may seem self-indulgent and far
from the immediate public good. However, essentially all of our cur-
rent quality of life, for people living in the first world, has arisen from
the fruits of such research, including all the electric power that drives
almost every device we use.
Two years after Davy's death in 2829, and six years after Faraday had
become director of the laboratory of the Royal Institution, he made the
discovery that cemented his reputation as perhaps the greatest experi-
mental physicist of the nineteenth century—magnetic induction. Since
1824, he had tried to see if magnetism could alter the current flowing
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in a nearby wire or otherwise produce some kind of electric force on
charged particles. He primarily wanted to see if magnetism could in-
duce electricity, just as Oersted had shown that electricity, and electric
currents in particular, could produce magnetism.
On October 28, 1831, Faraday recorded in his laboratory notebook a
remarkable observation. While closing the switch to turn on a current
in a wire wound around an iron ring to magnetize the iron, he noticed
a current flow momentarily in another wire wrapped around the same
iron ring. Clearly the mere presence of a nearby magnet could not cause
an electric current to flow in a wire—but turning the magnet on or
off could. Subsequently he showed that the same effect occurred if he
moved a magnet near a wire. As the magnet came closer or moved away,
a current would flow in the wire. Just as a moving charge created a mag-
net, somehow a moving magnet—or a magnet of changing strength—
created an electric force in the nearby wire and produced a current.
If the profound theoretical implication of this simple and surprising
result is not immediately apparent, you can be forgiven, because the
implication is subtle, and it took the greatest theoretical mind of the
nineteenth century to unravel it.
To properly frame it, we need a concept that Faraday himself intro-
duced. Faraday had little formal schooling and was largely self-taught
and thus was never comfortable with mathematics. In another probably
apocryphal story, Faraday boasted of using a mathematical equation
only one time in all of his publications. Certainly, he never described
the important discovery of magnetic induction in mathematical terms.
Because of his lack of comfort with formal mathematics, Faraday
was forced to think in pictures to gain intuition about the physics be-
hind his observations. As a result he invented an idea that forms the
cornerstone of all modern physics theory and resolved a conundrum
that had puzzled Newton until the end of his days.
Faraday asked himself, How does one electric charge "know" how to
respond to the presence of another, distant electric charge? The same
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question had been posed by Newton in terms of gravity, where he ear-
lier wondered how the Earth "knew" to respond as it did to the gravita-
tional pull of the Sun. How was the gravitational force conveyed from
one body to another? To this, he gave his famous response "Hypotheses
non jingo," "I frame no hypotheses," suggesting that he had worked out
the force law of gravity and showed that his predictions matched obser-
vations, and that was good enough. Many of us physicists have subse-
quently used this defense when asked to explain various strange physics
results—especially in quantum mechanics, where the mathematics
works, but the physical picture often seems crazy.
Faraday imagined that each electric charge would be surrounded by
an electric "field," which he could picture in his head. He saw the field as
a bunch of lines emanating radially outward from the charge. The field
lines would have arrows on them, pointing outward if the charge was
positive, and inward if it was negative:
\17(
\
7Th
He further imagined that the number of field lines increased as the
magnitude of the charge increased:
The utility of this mental picture was that Faraday could now in-
tuitively understand both what would happen when another test charge
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was put near the first charge and why. (Whenever I use the colloquial
why, I mean "how.") The test charge would feel the "field" of the first
charge wherever the second charge was located, with the strength of
the force being proportional to the number of field lines in the region,
and the direction of the force being along the direction of the field lines.
Thus, for example, the test charge in question would be pushed outward
in the direction shown:
\-17(
71,\
One can do more than this with Faraday's pictures. Imagine placing
two charges near each other. Since field lines begin at a positive charge
and end on a negative charge and can never cross, it is almost intuitive
that the field lines in between two positive charges should appear to
repel each other and be pushed apart, whereas between a positive and a
negative charge they should connect together:
Once again, if a test charge is placed anywhere near these two
charges, it would feel a force in the direction of the field lines, with a
strength proportional to the number of field lines in that region.
Faraday thus pictured the nature of electric forces between particles
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in a way that would otherwise require solving the algebraic equations
that describe electrical forces. What is most amazing about these pic-
tures is that they capture the mathematics exactly, not merely approxi-
mately.
A similar pictorial view could be applied to magnets, and magnetic
fields, reproducing the magnetic force law between magnets, experi-
mentally verified by Coulomb, or current-carrying wires, derived by
Andth-Marie Ampere. (Up until Faraday, all the heavy lifting in discov-
ering the laws of electricity and magnetism was done by the French.)
Using these mental crutches, we can then reexpress Faraday's dis-
covery of magnetic induction as follows: an increase or decrease in the
number of magnetic field lines going through a loop of wire will cause a
current to flow in the wire.
Faraday recognized quickly that his discovery would allow the con-
version of mechanical power into electrical power. If a loop of wire was
attached to a blade that was made to rotate by, say, a flow of water, such
as a waterwheel, and the whole thing was surrounded by a magnet, then
as the blade turned the number of magnetic field lines going through
the wire would continuously change, and a current would continuously
be generated in the wire. Voila, Niagara Falls, hydroelectricity, and the
modern world!
This alone might be good enough to cement Faraday's reputation as
the greatest experimental physicist of the nineteenth century. But tech-
nology wasn't what motivated Faraday, which is why he stands so tall
in my estimation; it was his deep sense of wonder and his eagerness
to share his discoveries as broadly as possible that I admire most. I am
convinced that he would agree that the chief benefit of science lies in its
impact in changing our fundamental understanding of our place in the
cosmos. And ultimately, this is what he did.
I cannot help but be reminded of another more recent great experi-
mental physicist, Robert R. Wilson—who, at age twenty-nine, was head
of the Research Division at Los Alamos, which developed the atomic
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bomb during the Manhattan Project. Many years later he was the first
director of the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory in Batavia, Il-
linois. When Fermilab was being built, in 1969 Wilson was summoned
before Congress to defend the expenditure of significant funds on this
exotic new accelerator, which was to study the fundamental interac-
tions of elementary particles. Asked if it contributed to national security
(which would have easily justified the expenditure in the eyes of the
congressional committee members), he bravely said no. Rather:
It only has to do with the respect with which we regard one another,
the dignity of men, our love of culture. . . It has to do with, are we
good painters, good sculptors, great poets? I mean all the things
that we really venerate and honor in our country and are patriotic
about. In that sense, this new knowledge has all to do with honor
and country, but it has nothing to do directly with defending our
country except to help make it worth defending.
Faraday's discoveries allowed us to power and create our civilization,
to light up our cities and our streets, and to run our electric devices. It
is hard to imagine any discovery that is more deeply ingrained in the
workings of modern society. But more deeply, what makes his contribu-
tion to our story so remarkable is that he discovered a missing piece of
the puzzle that changed the way we think about virtually everything in
the physical world today, starting with light itself. If Newton was the last
of the magicians, Faraday was the last of the modern scientists to live in
the dark, regarding light. After his work, the key to uncovering the true
nature of our main window on the world lay in the open waiting for the
right person to find it.
•
•
•
Within a decade, a young Scottish theoretical physicist, down on his
luck, took the next step.
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THROUGH A GLASS, LIGHTLY
Nothing is too wonderful to be true, if it be consistent
with the laws of nature; and in such things as these,
experiment is the best test of such consistency.
-FARADAY. LABORATORY JOURNAL ENTRY *10,040
(MARCH IS. 1849)
The greatest theoretical physicist of the nineteenth century,
James Clerk Maxwell, whom Einstein would later compare to Newton for
his impact on physics, was coincidentally born in the same year that Mi-
chael Faraday made his great experimental discovery of induction.
Like Newton, Maxwell also began his scientific career fascinated by
color and light. Newton had explored the spectrum of visible colors into
which white light splits when traversing a prism, but Maxwell, while still a
student, investigated the reverse question: What is the minimal combina-
tion of primary colors that would reproduce for human perception all the
visible colors contained in white light? Using a collection of colored spin-
ning tops, he demonstrated that essentially all colors we perceive can result
from mixtures of red, green, and blue—a fact familiar to anyone who has
plugged RGB cables into a color television. Maxwell used this realization to
produce the world's first, rudimentary color photograph. Later he became
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fascinated with polarized light, which results from light waves whose elec-
tric and magnetic fields oscillate only in certain directions. He sandwiched
blocks of gelatin between polarizing prisms and shined light through them.
If the two prisms allowed only light to pass that was polarized in different
perpendicular directions, then if one was placed behind the other, no light
would make it through. However, if stresses were present in the gelatin, then
the light could have its axis of polarization rotated as it passed through the
material, so that some light might then make it through the second prism.
By searching for such fringes of light passing through the second prism,
Maxwell could explore for stresses in the material. This has become a use-
ful tool today for exploring possible material stresses in complex structures.
Even these ingenious experiments do not adequately represent the
power of Maxwell's voracious intellect or his mathematical ability, which
were both manifest at a remarkably early age. Tragically, Maxwell died at
the age of forty-eight and had precious little time to accomplish all that he
did. His inquisitive nature was reflected in a passage his mother added to
a letter from his father to his sister-in-law when Maxwell was only three:
He is a very happy man, and has improved much since the weather
got moderate; he has great work with doors, locks, keys, etc., and
"show me how it loos" is ever out of his mouth. He also investigates
the hidden course of streams and bell-wires, the way the water gets
from the pond through the wall.
After his mother's untimely death (of stomach cancer, to which
Maxwell would later succumb at the same age), his education was in-
terrupted, but by the age of thirteen he had hit his stride at the pres-
tigious Edinburgh Academy, where he won the prize for mathematics,
and also for English and poetry. He then published his first scientific
paper—concerning the properties of mathematical curves—which was
presented at the Royal Society of Edinburgh when he was only fourteen.
After this precocious start, Maxwell thrived at university. He gradu-
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35
ated from Cambridge, becoming a fellow of the college within a year
after graduation, which was far sooner than average for most graduates.
He left shortly thereafter and returned to his native Scotland to take up
a chair in natural philosophy in Aberdeen.
At only twenty-five, he was head of a department and teaching fifteen
hours a week plus an extra free lecture for a nearby college for working
men (something that would be unheard of for a chaired professor today,
and something that I find difficult to imagine doing myself and still hav-
ing any energy left for research). Yet Maxwell nevertheless found time to
solve a problem that was two centuries old: How could Saturn's rings re-
main stable? He concluded that the rings must be made of small particles,
which garnered him a major prize that had been set up to encourage an
answer to this question. His theory was confirmed more than a hundred
years later when Voyager provided the first close-up view of the planet.
You would think that, after his remarkable output, he would have
been able to remain secure in his professorship. However, in 1860, the
same year that he was awarded the Royal Society's prestigious Rumford
Medal for his work on color, the college where he lectured merged with
another college and had no room for two professors of natural philoso-
phy. In what must surely go down in history as one of the dumbest aca-
demic decisions ever made (and that is a tough list to top), Maxwell was
unceremoniously laid off. He tried to get a chair in Edinburgh, but again
the position was given to another candidate. Finally, he found a position
down south, at King's College, London.
One might expect Maxwell to have been depressed or disconsolate
because of these developments, but if he was, his work reflected no signs
of it. The next five years at King's were the most productive period in his
life. During this time he changed the world—four times.
The first three contributions were the development of the first light-fast
color photograph; the development of the theory of how particles in a gas
behave (which helped establish the foundations of the field now known as
statistical mechanics—essential for understanding the properties of matter
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and radiation); and finally his development of "dimensional analysis: which
is perhaps the tool most frequently used by modern physicists to establish
deep relationships between physical quantities. I just used it last year, for
example, with my colleague Frank Wilczek, to demonstrate a fundamental
property of gravity relevant to understanding the creation of our universe.
Each contribution on its own would have firmly established Maxwell
among the greatest physicists of his day. However, his fourth contribution
ultimately changed everything, including our notions of space and time.
During his period at King's, Maxwell frequented the Royal Institu-
tion, where he came in contact with Michael Faraday, who was forty years
older but still inspirational. Perhaps these meetings encouraged Maxwell
to return his focus to the exciting developments in electricity and mag-
netism, a subject he had begun to investigate five years earlier. Maxwell
used his considerable mathematical talents to describe and understand
the phenomena explored by Faraday. He began by putting Faraday's hy-
pothesized lines of force on a firmer mathematical footing, which allowed
him to explore in more depth Faraday's discovery of induction. Over the
dozen years between 1861 and 1873, Maxwell put the final touches on his
greatest work, a complete theory of electricity and magnetism.
To do this, Maxwell used Faraday's discovery as the key to revealing
that the relationship between electricity and magnetism is symmetrical.
Oersted's and Faraday's experiments had shown, simply, that a current
of moving charges produces a magnetic field; and that a changing mag-
netic field (produced by moving a magnet or simply turning on a cur-
rent to produce a magnet) produces an electric field.
Maxwell first expressed these results mathematically in 2861, but
soon realized that his equations were incomplete. Magnetism appeared
to be different from electricity. Moving charges create a magnetic field,
but a magnetic field can create an electric field even without moving—
just by changing. As Faraday discovered, turning on a current, which
produces a changing magnetic field as the current ramps up, produces
an electric force that causes a current to flow in another nearby wire.
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Maxwell recognized that to make a complete and consistent set of equa-
tions for electricity and magnetism he had to add an extra term to the equa-
tions, representing what he called a Misplacement current." He reasoned
that moving charges, namely a current, produce a magnetic field, and mov-
ing charges represent one way to produce a changing electric field (since
the field from each charge changes in space as the charge moves along). So,
maybe, a changing electric field—one that gets stronger or weaker—in a
region with no charges in motion, could produce a magnetic field.
Maxwell envisioned that if he hooked up two parallel plates to op-
posite poles of a battery, each plate would get charged with an opposite
charge as current flowed from the battery. This would produce a growing
electric field between the plates and would also produce a magnetic field
around the wires connected to the plates. For his equations to be com-
pletely consistent, Maxwell realized, the increasing electric field between
the plates should also produce a magnetic field in that empty space be-
tween the plates. And that field would be the same as any magnetic field
produced by a real current flowing through that space between the plates.
So Maxwell altered his equations by adding a new term (displace-
ment current) to produce mathematical consistency. This term effec-
tively behaved like an imaginary current, flowing between the plates
producing a changing electric field identical in magnitude to the actual
changing electric field in the empty space between the plates. It also
was the same as the magnetic field that a real current would produce
if it flowed between the plates. Such a magnetic field does in fact arise
when you perform the experiment with parallel plates, as undergradu-
ates demonstrate every day in physics laboratories around the world.
Mathematical consistency and sound physical intuition generally
pay off in physics. This subtle change in the equations may not seem like
much, but its physical impact is profound. Once you remove real elec-
tric charges from the picture, it means that you can describe everything
about electricity and magnetism entirely in terms of the hypothetical
"fields" that Faraday had relied upon purely as a mental crutch. The con-
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nections between electricity and magnetism can thus be simply stated:
A changing electric field produces a magnetic field. A changing mag-
netic field produces an electric field.
Suddenly the fields appear in the equations as real physical objects in
their own right and not merely as a way to quantify the force between
charges. Electricity and magnetism became inseparable. It is impossible
to talk about electrical forces alone because, as I will shortly show, one
person's electric force is another person's magnetic force, depending on
the circumstances of the observer, and whether the field is changing in
his frame of reference.
We now refer to electromagnetism to describe these phenomena, for
a good reason. After Maxwell, electricity and magnetism were no longer
viewed as separate forces of nature. They were different manifestations
of one and the same force.
Maxwell published his complete set of equations in 1865 and later
simplified them in his textbook of 1873. These would become famous as
the four Maxwell's Equations, which (admittedly rewritten in modern
mathematical language) adorn the T-shirts of physics undergraduates
around the world today. We can thus label 1873 as establishing the sec-
ond great unification in physics, the first being Newton's recognition
that the same force governed the motion of celestial bodies as governed
falling apples on Earth. Begun with Oersted's and Faraday's experimen-
tal discoveries, this towering achievement of the human intellect was
completed by Maxwell, a mild-mannered young theoretical physicist
from Scotland, exiled to England by the vicissitudes of academia.
Gaining a new perspective on the cosmos is always—or should be—
immensely satisfying. But science adds an additional and powerful ben-
efit. New understanding also breeds tangible and testable consequences,
and often immediately.
So it was with Maxwell's unification, which now made Faraday's hy-
pothetical fields literally as real as the nose on your face. Literally, be-
cause it turns out you couldn't see the nose on your face without them.
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Maxwell's genius didn't end just with codifying the principles of elec-
tromagnetism in elegant mathematical form. He used the mathematics
to unravel the hidden nature of that most fundamental of all physical
quantities—which had eluded the great natural philosophers from Plato
to Newton. The most observable thing in nature: light.
Consider the following thought experiment. Take an electrically
charged object and jiggle it up and down. What happens as you do this?
Well, an electric field surrounds the charge, and when you move the
charge, the position of the field lines changes. But, according to Max-
well, this changing electric field will produce a magnetic field, which
will point in and out of the paper as shown below:
0
(-;
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Here the field line pointing into the paper has a cross (the back of an
arrow), and that pointing out of the paper has a dot (the tip of an arrow).
This field will flip direction as the charge changes the direction of its
motion from upward to downward.
But we should not stop there. If I keep jiggling the charged object,
the electric field will keep changing, and so will the induced magnetic
field. But a changing magnetic field will produce an electric field. Thus
there are new induced electric field lines, which point vertically, chang-
ing from up to down as the magnetic field reverses its sign. I display the
electric field line to the right only for lack of space, but the mirror image
will be induced on the left-hand side.
0
<— •
—> X
0
<— •
—> X
But that changing electric field will in turn produce a changing mag-
netic field, which would exist farther out to the right and left of the
diagram, and so on.
Jiggling a charge produces a succession of disturbances in both elec-
tric and magnetic fields that propagate outward, with the change in
each field acting as a source for the other, due to the rules of electro-
magnetism as Maxwell defined them. We can extend the picture shown
above to a 3-D image that captures the full nature of the changing as
shown below:
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E
We see a wave of electric and magnetic disturbances, namely an
electromagnetic wave moving outward, with electric and magnetic
fields oscillating in space, and time, and with the two fields oscillating
in directions that are perpendicular to each other and also the direction
of the wave.
Even before Maxwell had written down the final form of his equa-
tions, he showed that oscillating charges would produce an electromag-
netic wave. But he did something far more significant. He calculated the
speed of that wave, in a beautiful and simple calculation that is probably
my favorite derivation to show undergraduates. Here it is:
We can quantify the strength of an electric force by measuring its
magnitude between two charges whose magnitude we already know.
The force is proportional to the product of the charges. Let's call the
constant of proportionality A.
Similarly we can quantify the strength of the magnetic force be-
tween two electromagnets, each with a current of known magnitude.
This force is proportional to the product of the currents. Let's call the
constant of proportionality in this case B.
Maxwell showed that the speed of an electromagnetic disturbance
that emanates from an oscillating charge can be rendered precisely in
terms of the measured strength of electricity and the measured strength
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of magnetism, which are determined by measuring the constants A and
B in the laboratory. When he used the data then available for the mea-
sured strength of electricity and the measured strength of magnetism
and plugged in the numbers, he derived:
Speed of electromagnetic waves Fac 311,000,000 meters per second
A famous story claims that when Albert Einstein finished his Gen-
eral Theory of Relativity and compared its predictions for the orbit of
Mercury to the measured numbers, he had heart palpitations. One can
only imagine, then, the excitement that Maxwell must have had when
he performed his calculation. For this number, which may seem arbi-
trary, was well known to him as the speed of light. In 1849, the French
physicist Fizeau had measured the speed of light, an extremely difficult
measurement back then, and had obtained:
Speed of light
313,000,000 meters per second
Given the accuracy available at the time, these two numbers are
identical. (We now know this number far more precisely as 299,792,458
meters per second, which is a key part of the modern definition of the
meter.)
In his typical understated tone, Maxwell noted in 1862, when he first
performed the calculation, We can scarcely avoid the conclusion that
light consists in the transverse undulations of the same medium which
is the cause of electric and magnetic phenomena."
In other words, light is an electromagnetic wave.
Two years later, when he finally wrote his classic paper on electro-
magnetism, he added somewhat more confidently, "Light is an elec-
tromagnetic disturbance propagated through the field according to
electromagnetic laws?
With these words, Maxwell appeared to have finally put to rest the
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two-thousand-year-old mystery regarding the nature and origin of light.
His result came, as great insights often do, as an unintended by-product
of other fundamental investigations. In this case, it was a by-product of
one of the most important theoretical advances in history, the unifica-
tion of electricity and magnetism into a single beautiful mathematical
theory.
Before Maxwell, the chief source of wisdom came from a faith in divin-
ity via Genesis. Even Newton relied upon this source for understanding
the origin of light. After 1862, however, everything changed.
James Clerk Maxwell was deeply religious, and like Newton before
him, his faith sometimes led him to make strange assertions about na-
ture. Nevertheless, like the mythical character Prometheus before him,
who stole fire from the gods and gave it to humans to use as a tool
to forever change their civilization, so too Maxwell stole fire from the
Judeo-Christian God's first words and forever changed their meaning.
Since 1873, generations of physics students have proudly proclaimed:
"Maxwell wrote down his four equations and said, Let there be lights"
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Chapter 4
THERE, AND BACK AGAIN
He set the earth on its foundations; it can never
be moved.
-PSALMS 104:5
Wen Galileo Galilei was being tried in 1633 for heresy
for "holding as true the false doctrine taught by some that the Sun is the
center of the world," he allegedly muttered under his breath in front of
his Church inquisitors, And yet it moves:' With these words, his revo-
lutionary nature once again sprang forth, in spite of his having been
forced to publicly adhere to the archaic position that the Earth was fixed.
While the Vatican eventually capitulated on Earth's motion, the poor
God of the Psalms never got the news. This is somewhat perplexing
since, as Galileo showed a year before the trial, a state of absolute rest is
impossible to verify experimentally. Any experiment that you perform
at rest, such as throwing a ball up in the air and catching it, will have an
identical result if performed while moving at a constant speed, as, say,
might happen while riding on an airplane in the absence of turbulence.
No experiment you can perform on the plane, if its windows are closed,
will tell you whether the plane is moving or standing still.
While Galileo started the ball rolling, both literally and metaphori-
45
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cally, in 1632, it took another 273 years to fully lay to rest this issue (issues,
unlike objects, can be laid to rest). It would take Albert Einstein to do so.
Einstein was not a revolutionary in the same sense as Galileo, if by this
term one describes those who tear down the dictates of the authorities who
came before, as Galileo had for Aristotle. Einstein did just the opposite. He
knew that rules that had been established on the basis of experiment could
not easily be tossed aside, and it was a mark of his genius that he didn't.
This is so important I want to repeat it for the benefit of those people
who write to me every week or so telling me that they have discovered a
new theory that demonstrates everything we now think we know about
the universe is wrong—and using Einstein as their exemplar to justify
this possibility. Not only is your theory wrong, but you are doing Ein-
stein a huge disservice: rules that have been established on the basis of
experiment cannot easily be tossed aside.
•
•
•
Albert Einstein was born in 1879, the same year that James Clerk Maxwell
died. It is tempting to suggest that their combined brilliance was too
much for one simple planet to house at the same time. But it was just a
coincidence, albeit a fortuitous one. If Maxwell hadn't preceded him, Ein-
stein couldn't have been Einstein. He came from the first generation of
young scientists who grew up wrestling with the new knowledge about
light and electromagnetism that Faraday and Maxwell had generated.
This was the true forefront of physics for young Turks such as Einstein
near the end of the nineteenth century. Light was on everyone's mind.
Even as a teenager, Einstein was astute enough to realize that Max-
well's beautiful results regarding the existence of electromagnetic waves
presented a fundamental problem: they were inconsistent with the
equally beautiful and well-established results of Galileo regarding the
basic properties of motion, produced three centuries earlier.
Even before his epic battle with the Catholic Church over the motion of
Earth, Galileo had argued that no experiment exists that can be performed
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by anyone to determine whether he or she is moving uniformly or stand-
ing still. But up until Galileo, a state of absolute rest was considered special.
Aristotle had decided that all objects sought out the state of rest, and the
Church decided that rest was so special that it should be the state of the
center of the universe, namely the planet on which God had placed us.
Like a number of Aristotle's assertions, although by no means all,
this notion that a state of rest is special is quite intuitive. (For those who
like to quote Aristotle's wisdom when appealing to his "Prime Mover"
argument for the existence of God, let us remember that he also claimed
that women had a different number of teeth than men, presumably
without bothering to check.)
Everything we see in our daily lives comes to rest. Everything, that
is, except the Moon and the planets, which is perhaps one reason that
these were felt to be special in antiquity, guided by angels or gods.
However, every sense that we have that we are at rest is an illusion.
In the example I gave earlier of throwing a ball up and catching it while
in a moving plane, you will eventually be able to tell that your plane is
moving when you feel the bouncing of turbulence. But even when the
plane is on the tarmac, it is not at rest. The airport is moving with the
Earth at about 3o km/sec around the Sun, and the Sun is moving about
zoo km/sec around the galaxy, and so on.
Galileo codified this with his famous assertion that the laws of phys-
ics are the same for all observers moving in a uniform state of motion,
i.e., at a constant velocity in a straight line. (Observers at rest are simply
a special case, when velocity is zero.) By this he meant that there is no
experiment you can perform on such an object that can tell you it is not
at rest. When you look up in the air at an airplane, it is easy to see that
it is moving relative to you. But, there is no experiment you can perform
on the ground or on the plane that will distinguish whether the ground
on which you are standing is moving past the plane, or vice versa.
While it seems remarkable that it took so long for anyone to rec-
ognize this fundamental fact about the world, it does defy most of our
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experience. Most, but not all. Galileo used examples of balls rolling
down inclined planes to demonstrate that what previous philosophers
thought was fundamental about the world—the retarding force of fric-
tion that makes things eventually settle at rest—was not fundamental at
all but rather masked an underlying reality. When balls roll down one
plane and up another, Galileo noted, on smooth surfaces the balls would
rise back to the same height at which they started. But by considering
balls rolling up planes of ever-decreasing incline, he showed that the
balls would have to roll farther to reach their same original height. He
then reasoned that if the second incline disappeared entirely, the balls
would continue rolling at the same speed forever.
This realization was profoundly important and fundamentally
changed much about the way we think about the world. It is often sim-
ply called the Law of Inertia, and it set up Newton's law of motion, relat-
ing the magnitude of an external force to the observed acceleration of
an object. Once Galileo recognized that it took no force to keep some-
thing moving at a constant velocity, Newton could make the natural
leap to propose that it took a force to change its velocity.
The heavens and the Earth were no longer fundamentally different.
The hidden reality underlying the motion of everyday objects also made
clear that the unending motion of astronomical objects was not super-
natural, setting the stage for Newton's Universal Law of Gravity, further
demoting the need for angels or other entities to play a role in the cosmos.
Galileo's discovery was thus fundamental to establishing physics as
we know it today. But so was Maxwell's later brilliant unification of elec-
tric and magnetic forces, which established the mathematical frame-
work on which all of current theoretical physics is built.
As Albert Einstein began his journey in this rich intellectual landscape,
he quickly spied a deep and irreconcilable chasm running through it:
both Galileo and Maxwell could not be right at the same time.
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More than twenty years ago, when my daughter was an infant, I first
began to think about how to explain the paradox that young Einstein
struggled with, and a good example literally hit me on the head while
driving her in my car when she was an infant.
Galileo had demonstrated that as long as I am driving safely and at
a constant speed and not accelerating suddenly, the laws of physics in
our car should be indistinguishable from the laws of physics that would
be measured in the laboratories in the physics building to which I was
driving to work. If my daughter was playing with a toy in the backseat,
she could throw the toy up in the air and expect to catch it without any
surprises. The intuition her body had built up to play at home would
have served her well in the car.
However, riding in the car did not lull her to sleep like many young chil-
dren, but rather made her anxious and uncomfortable. During our trip, she
got sick and projectile-vomited, and the vomit followed a trajectory well
described by Newton, with an initial speed of, say, fifteen miles per hour,
and a nice parabolic trajectory in the air, ending on the back of my head.
Say my car was coasting to a red light at this time at a relatively slow
speed, say, ten miles per hour. Someone on the ground watching all of
this would see the vomit traveling at 2.5 miles per hour, the speed of the
car relative to them (io mph) plus the speed of the vomit (is mph), and
its trajectory would be well described by Newton again, with this higher
speed (zs mph) as it traveled toward my (now moving) head.
So far so good. Here's the problem, however. Now that my daughter is
older, she loves to drive. Say she is driving behind a friend's car and dials
him on her cell phone (hands-free, for safety) to tell him to turn right to
get to the place they are both going. As she talks into the phone, elec-
trons in the phone jiggle back and forth producing an electromagnetic
wave (in the microwave band). That wave travels to the cell phone of her
friend at the speed of light (actually it travels up to a satellite and then
gets beamed down to her friend, but let's ignore that complication for
the moment) and is received in time for him to make the correct turn.
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Now, what would a person on the ground measure? Common sense
would suggest that the microwave signal would travel from my daugh-
ter's car to her friend's car at a speed equal to the speed of light, as might
be measured by a detector in my daughter's car (label it with the symbol
c), plus the speed of the car.
But common sense is deceptive precisely because it is based on com-
mon experience. In everyday life we do not measure the time it takes
light, or microwaves, to travel from one side of the room to another or
from one phone to a nearby phone. If common sense applied here, that
would mean someone on the ground (with a sophisticated measuring
apparatus) would measure the electrons in my daughter's phone jiggling
back and forth and observe the emanation of a microwave signal, which
would be traveling at a speed c plus, say, ten miles per hour.
However, the great triumph of Maxwell was to show that he could
calculate the speed of electromagnetic waves emanated by an oscillat-
ing charge purely by measuring the strength of electricity and magne-
tism. Therefore if the person on the ground observed the waves having
speed c plus io mph, then for that person the strength of electricity and
magnetism would have to be different from the values that my daughter
would observe, for whom the waves were moving at a speed c.
But Galileo tells us this is impossible. If the measured strengths of
electricity and magnetism differed between the two observers, then it
would be possible to know who was moving and who was not, because
the laws of physics—in this case electromagnetism—would take on dif-
ferent values for each observer.
So, either Galileo or Maxwell had to be right, but not both of them.
Perhaps because Galileo had been working when physics was more
primitive, most physicists came down closer to the side of Maxwell.
They decided that the universe must have some absolute rest frame
and that Maxwell's calculations applied in that frame only. All observ-
ers moving with respect to that frame would measure electromagnetic
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waves to have a different speed relative to themselves than Maxwell had
calculated.
A long scientific tradition gave physical support to this idea. After
all, if light was an electromagnetic disturbance, what was it a distur-
bance of? For thousands of years, philosophers had speculated about
an "ether," some invisible background material filling all of space, and
it became natural to suspect that electromagnetic waves were traveling
in this medium, just as sound waves travel in water or air. Electromag-
netic waves would travel with some fixed, characteristic speed in this
medium (the speed calculated by Maxwell), and observers moving with
respect to this background would observe the waves as faster or slower,
depending on their relative motion.
While intuitively sensible, this notion was a cop-out, because if you
think back to Maxwell's analysis, it would mean that these different ob-
servers in relative motion would measure the strength of electricity and
magnetism to be different. Perhaps it was deemed to be acceptable be-
cause all speeds obtainable at the time were so small compared to the
speed of light that any such differences would have been minute at best
and would certainly have escaped detection.
The actor Alan Alda once turned the tables on conventional wisdom
at a public event I attended by saying that art requires hard work, and
science requires creativity. While both require both, what I like about
his version is that it stresses the creative, artistic side of science. I would
add to this statement that both endeavors require intellectual bravery.
Creativity alone amounts to nothing if it is not implemented. Novel ideas
generally stagnate and die without the courage to implement them.
I bring this up here because perhaps the true mark of Einstein's ge-
nius was not his mathematical prowess (although, contrary to conven-
tional wisdom, he was mathematically talented), but his creativity and
his intellectual confidence, which fueled his persistence.
The challenge that faced Einstein was how to accommodate two con-
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tradictory ideas. Throwing one out is the easy way. Figuring out a way to
remove the contradiction required creativity.
Einstein's solution was not complex, but that does not mean it was
easy. I am reminded of an apocryphal story about Christopher Colum-
bus, who got a free drink in a bar before departing to find the New
World by claiming he could balance an egg upright on top of the bar.
After the barman accepted the bet, Columbus broke the tip off the egg
and placed it easily upright on the counter. He never mentioned not
cracking it, after all.
Einstein's resolution of the Galileo-Maxwell paradox was not that
different. Because, if both Maxwell and Galileo were right, then some-
thing else had to be broken to fix the picture.
But what could it be? For both Maxwell and Galileo to be right re-
quired something that was clearly crazy: in the example I gave, both
observers would have to measure the velocity of the microwave emitted
by my daughter's cell phone to be the same relative to them, instead of
measuring values differing by the speed of the car.
However, Einstein asked himself an interesting question, What does
it mean to measure the velocity of light, after all? Velocity is determined
by measuring the distance something travels in a certain time. So Ein-
stein reasoned as follows: it is possible for two observers to measure the
same speed for the microwave relative to each of them, as long as the
distance each measures the ray to travel relative to themselves during a
fixed time interval (e.g., say, one second, as measured by each of them in
their own frame of reference) is the same.
But this too is a little crazy. Consider the simpler example of the
projectile vomit. Remember that in my frame it travels from her mouth
in the backseat to hit my head, say, three feet away, in about one-quarter
second. But for someone on the ground the car is traveling at 10 miles
per hour during this period, which is about 14.5 feet per second. Thus for
the person on the ground, in one-quarter second the vomit travels about
3.6 feet plus 3 feet, or a total 6.6 feet.
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Hence for the two observers, the distances traveled by the vomit in
the same time is noticeably different. How could it be that for the micro-
wave the distances both observers measure could be the same?
The first hint that perhaps such craziness is possible is that electro-
magnetic waves travel so fast that in the time it takes the microwaves to
get from one car to another, each car has moved hardly at all. Thus any
possible difference in measured distance traveled during this time for
the two observers would be essentially imperceptible.
But Einstein turned this argument around. He realized that both
observers had not actually measured the distances traveled by the mi-
crowaves over human-scale distances, because the relevant times ap-
propriate for light to travel over human-scale distances were so short
that no one could have measured them at the time. And similarly, on
human timescales light would travel such large distances that no one
could measure those distances directly either. Thus, who was to say that
such crazy behavior couldn't really happen?
The question then became, What is required for it to actually occur?
Einstein reasoned that for this seemingly impossible result to be pos-
sible, the two different observers must measure distances and/or times
differently from each other in just such a way that light, at least, would
traverse the same measured distance in the same measured time for
both observers. Thus, for example, it would be as if the observer on the
ground in the vomit case were to measure the vomit traversing 6.6 feet,
but would somehow also infer the time interval over which this hap-
pened to be larger than I would measure it inside my car, so that the in-
ferred speed of the vomit would be the same relative to him as I measure
it to be relative to me.
Einstein then made the bold assertion that something like this does
happen, that both Maxwell and Galileo were correct, and that all ob-
servers, regardless of their relative state of motion, would measure any
light ray to travel at the same speed, c, relative to them.
Of course, Einstein was a scientist, not a prophet, so he didn't just
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claim something outlandish on the basis of authority. He explored the
consequences of his claim and made predictions that could be tested to
verify it.
In doing so he moved the playing field of our story from the domain
of light to the domain of intimate human experience. He not only for-
ever changed the meaning of space and time, but also the very events
that govern our lives.
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A STITCH IN TIME
He stretcheth out the north over the empty place,
and hangeth the earth upon nothing.
-JOB 26:7
The great epic stories of ancient Greece and Rome revolve
around heroes such as Odysseus and Aeneas, who challenged the gods
and often outwitted them. Things have not changed that much for more
modern epic heroes.
Einstein overcame thousands of years of misplaced human percep-
tion by showing that even the God of Spinoza could not impose his
absolute will on space and time, and that each of us evades those imagi-
nary shackles every time we look around us and view new wonders amid
the stars above. Einstein emulated artistic geniuses such as Vincent van
Gogh and reasoned with the parsimony of Ernest Hemingway.
Van Gogh died fifteen years before Einstein developed his ideas on
space and time, but his paintings make it clear that our perceptions of the
world are subjective. Picasso may have had the chutzpah to claim that he
painted what he saw, even as he produced representations of disjointed
people with body parts pointing in different directions, but van Gogh's
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masterpieces demonstrate that the world can look very different to dif-
ferent people.
So too, Einstein explicitly argued, for the first time as far as I know
in the history of physics, that "here" and "now" are observer-dependent
concepts and not universal ones.
His argument was simple, based on the equally simple fact that we
cannot be in two places at once.
We are accustomed to feeling that we share the same reality with those
around us because we appear to share the same experiences as we look
about together. But that is an illusion created by the fast speed of light.
When I observe something happening now, say, a car crash down the
street or two lovers kissing under a lamppost as I walk nearby, neither of
these events happened now, but rather then. The light that enters my eye
was reflected off the car or the people just a little bit earlier.
Similarly when I take a photo of a beautiful landscape, as I just did in
Northern Ireland where I began writing this chapter, the scene I captured
is not a scene merely spread out in space, but rather in space and time.
The light from the distant pillared cliffs at Giant's Causeway perhaps a
kilometer away left those cliffs well before (perhaps thirty-millionths of
a second before) the light from the people in the foreground scrambling
over the hexagonal lava pods left to reach my camera at the same time.
With this realization, Einstein asked himself what two events that
one observer views as happening at the same time in two different loca-
tions would look like for another observer moving with respect to the
first observer while the observations were being made. The example he
considered involved a train, because he lived in Switzerland at a time
when a train was leaving about every five minutes for somewhere in the
country from virtually any other place in the country.
Imagine the picture shown below in which lightning hits two points
beside either end of a train that are equidistant from observer A, who is at
rest with respect to those points, and observer B on a moving train, who
passes by A at the instant A later determines the lightning bolts struck:
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lightning hits
B
A
a little while later
A little while later A will see both lightning flashes reaching him at
the same time. B, however, will have moved during this time. Therefore
the light wave bringing the information that a flash occurred on the
right will already have passed B, and the light bringing the information
about the flash on the left will not yet have reached him.
B sees the light coming from either end of his train, and indeed the
flash at the front end occurs before the flash at the rear end. Since he
measures the light as traveling toward him at speed c, and since he is in
the middle of his train, he concludes therefore that the right-hand flash
must have occurred before the left-hand flash.
Who is right here? Einstein had the temerity to suggest that both ob-
servers were right. If the speed of light were like other speeds, then B would
of course see one wave before the other, but he would see them traveling
toward him at different speeds (the one he was moving toward would be
faster and the one from which he was moving away would be slower), and
he would therefore infer that the events happened at the same time. But
because both light rays are measured by B to be traveling toward him at
the same speed, c, the reality he infers is completely different.
As Einstein pointed out, when defining what we mean by different
physical quantities, measurement is everything. Imagining a reality that
is independent of measurement might be an interesting philosophical ex-
ercise, but from a scientific perspective it is a sterile line of inquiry. If both
A and B are located at the same place at the same time, they must both
measure the same thing at that instant, but if they are in remote locations,
almost all bets are off. Every measurement that B can make tells him that
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the event at the forward end of his train happened before the next, while
every measurement that A makes tells him the events were simultaneous.
Since neither A nor B can be at both places at the same time, their mea-
surement of time at remote locations depends upon remote observations,
and if those remote observations are built on interpreting what light from
those events reveals, they will differ on their determination of which re-
mote events are simultaneous, and they will both be correct.
Here and now is only universal for here and now, not there and then.
•
•
•
I wrote "almost all" bets are off for a reason. For as strange as the example I
just gave might seem, it can actually be far stranger. Another observer, C,
traveling on a train moving in the opposite direction from B on a third track
beside A and B will infer that the event on the left side (the forward part of
his train) occurred before the event on the right-hand side. In other words,
the order of the events seen by the two observers B and C will be completely
reversed. One person's "before" will be the other's "after."
This presents a big apparent problem. In the world in which most of us
believe we live, causes happen before effects. But if "before" and "after" can
be observer dependent, then what happens to cause and effect?
Remarkably, the universe has a sort of built-in catch-n, which ends up
ensuring that while we need to keep an open mind about reality, we don't
have to keep it so open that our brains fall out, as the publisher of the New
York Times used to say. In this case, Einstein demonstrated that a reversal
of the time ordering of distant events brought about by the constancy
of light is only possible if the events are far enough apart so that a light
ray will take longer to travel between them than the inferred time differ-
ence between the two events. Then, if nothing can travel faster than light
(which turns out to be another consequence of Einstein's effort to coordi-
nate Galileo and Maxwell), no signal from one event could ever arrive in
time to affect the other, so one event could not be the cause of the other.
But what about two different events that occur some time apart at
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the same place. Will different observers disagree about them? To ana-
lyze this situation Einstein imagined an idealized clock on a train. The
ticks of the clock occur each time a light ray sent from a clock on one
side of the train reflects off a mirror located on the other side and re-
turns to the clock on the original side of the train (see below).
minor
clock
Let us say each round-trip (tick) is a millionth of a second. Now con-
sider an observer on the ground watching the same round-trip. Because
the train is moving, the light ray travels on the trajectory shown below,
with the clock and mirror having moved between the time of emission
and reception.
mirror
4
clock
clock
Clearly this light ray traverses a greater distance relative to the observer
on the ground than it does relative to the clock on the train. However, the
light ray is measured to be traveling at the same speed, c. Thus, the round-
trip takes longer. As a result, the one-millionth-of-a-second click of the
clock on the train is observed on the ground to take, say, two-millionths of
a second. The clock on the train is therefore ticking at half the rate of a clock
on the ground. Time has slowed down for the clock on the train.
Stranger still, the effect is completely reciprocal. Someone aboard the
train will observe a clock on the ground as ticking at half the rate of their
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clock on the train, as the figure would look identical for someone on the
train watching a light travel between mirrors placed on the ground.
This may make it seem like the slowing of clocks is merely an illusion,
but once again, measurement equals reality, although in this case a little
more subtly than for the case of simultaneity. To compare clocks later to
see which, if any, of the observers clocks has really slowed down, at least
one of the observers will have to return to join the other. That observer
will have to change his or her uniform motion, either by slowing down
and reversing, or by speeding up from (apparent) rest and catching up
with the other observer.
This makes the two observers no longer equivalent. It turns out that the
observer who does the accelerating or the decelerating will find, when she
arrives back at the starting position, that she has actually aged far less than
her counterpart, who has been in uniform motion during the whole time.
This sounds like science fiction, and indeed it has provided the fod-
der for a great deal of science fiction, both good and bad, because in
principle it allows for precisely the kind of space travel around the gal-
axy that is envisaged in so many movies. There are a few rather signifi-
cant glitches, however. While it does make it possible in principle for a
spacecraft to travel around the galaxy in a single human lifetime, so that
Jean-Luc Picard could have his Star Trek adventures, those back at Star
Fleet command would have a hard time exerting command and control
over any sort of federation. The mission of ships such as the USS Enter-
prise might be five years long for the crew on board, but each round-trip
from Earth to the center of the galaxy of a ship at near light speed would
take sixty thousand years or so as experienced by society back home. To
make matters worse, it would take more fuel than there is mass in the
galaxy to power a single such voyage, at least using conventional rockets
of the type now in use.
Nevertheless, science fiction woes aside, "time dilation"—as the rel-
ativistic slowing of clocks is called with regard to moving objects—is
very much real, and very much experienced every day here on Earth.
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At high-energy particle accelerators such as the Large Hadron Collider,
for example, we regularly accelerate elementary particles to speeds of
99.9999 percent of the speed of light and rely on the effects of relativity
when exploring what happens.
But even closer to home, relativistic time dilation has an impact. We
on Earth are all bombarded every day by cosmic rays from space. If
you had a Geiger counter and stood out in a field, the counter would
click at a regular rate every few seconds, as it recorded the impact of
high-energy particles called muons. These particles are produced where
high-energy protons in cosmic rays smash into the atmosphere, produc-
ing a shower of other, lighter particles—including muons—which are
unstable, with a lifetime of about one-millionth of a second, and decay
into electrons (and my favorite particles, neutrinos).
If it weren't for time dilation, we would never detect these muon
cosmic rays on Earth. Because a muon traveling at close to the speed
of light for a millionth of a second would cover about three hundred
meters before decaying. But the muons raining down on Earth make it
twenty kilometers, or about twelve and a half miles or so, from the upper
atmosphere, in which they are produced, down to our Geiger counter.
This is possible only if the muons internal "clocks" (which prompt them
to decay after one-millionth of a second or so) are ticking slowly relative
to our clocks on Earth, ten to one hundred times more slowly than they
would be if they were produced at rest here in a laboratory on Earth.
The last implication of Einstein's realization that the speed of light must
be constant for all observers appears even more paradoxical than the
others—in part because it involves changing the physical behavior of
objects we can see and touch. But it also will help carry us back to our
beginnings to glimpse a new world beyond the confines of our normal
earthbound imagination.
The result is simply stated, even if the consequences may take some
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time to digest. When I am carrying an object such as a ruler, and mov-
ing fast compared to you, my ruler will be measured by you to be smaller
than it is for me. I might measure it to be to cm, say:
But to you, it might appear to be merely 6 cm:
Surely, this is an illusion, you might say, because how could the same
object have two different lengths? The atoms can't be compressed to-
gether for you, but not for me.
Once again, we return to the question of what is "real." If every mea-
surement you can perform on my ruler tells you it is 6 cm long, then it
is 6 cm long. "Length" is not an abstract quantity but requires a mea-
surement. Since measurement is observer dependent, so is length. To
see this is possible while illuminating another of relativity's slippery
catch-2zs, consider one of my favorite examples.
Say I have a car that is twelve feet long, and you have a garage that is
eight feet deep. My car will clearly not fit in your garage:
car
But, relativity implies that if I am driving fast, you will measure my
car to be only, say, six feet long, and so it should fit in your garage, at
least while the car is moving:
car
4
garage
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However, let's view this from my vantage point. For me, my car is
twelve feet long, and your garage is moving toward me fast, and it now
is measured by me to be not eight feet deep, but rather four feet deep:
car
garage
Thus, my car clearly cannot fit in your garage.
So which is true? Clearly my car cannot both be inside the garage
and not inside the garage. Or can it?
Let's first consider your vantage point, and imagine that you have
fixed big doors on the front of your garage and the back of your garage.
So that I don't get killed while driving into it, you perform the following.
You have the back door closed but open the front door so my car can
drive in. When it is inside, you close the front door:
However, you then quickly open the back door before the front of my
car crashes, letting me safely drive out the back:
Thus, you have demonstrated that my car was inside your garage,
which of course it was, because it is small enough to fit in it.
However, remember that, for me, the time ordering of distant events
can be different. Here is what I will observe.
I will see your tiny garage heading toward me, and I will see you
open the front door of the garage in time for the front of my car to pass
through.
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I will then see you kindly open the back door before I crash:
After that, and after the back of my car is inside the garage, I will see
you close the front door of your garage:
As will be clear to me, my car was never inside your garage with both
doors closed at the same time because that is impossible. Your garage
is too small.
"Reality" for each of us is simply based on what we can measure. In
my frame the car is bigger than the garage. In your frame the garage is
bigger than my car. Period. The point is that we can only be in one place
at one time, and reality where we are is unambiguous. But what we infer
about the real world in other places is based on remote measurements,
which are observer dependent.
But the virtue of careful measurement does not stop there.
The new reality that Einstein unveiled, based as it was on the em-
pirical validity of Galileo's law, and Maxwell's remarkable unification
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of electricity and magnetism, appears on its face to replace any last
vestige of objective reality with subjective measurement. As Plato
reminds us, however, the job of the natural philosopher is to probe
deeper than this.
It is said that fortune favors the prepared mind. In some sense, Plato's
cave prepared our minds for Einstein's relativity, though it remained for
Einstein's former mathematics professor Hermann Minkowski to com-
plete the task.
Minkowski was a brilliant mathematician, eventually holding a
chair at the University of Gottingen. But in Zurich, where he was one
of Einstein's professors, he was a brilliant mathematician whose classes
Einstein skipped, because while he was a student, Einstein appeared
to have a great disdain for the significance of pure mathematics. Time
would change that view.
Recall that the prisoners in Plato's cave also saw from shadows
on their wall that length apparently had no objective constancy. The
shadow of a ruler might at one time look like this, at io cm:
and, at another time like this, at 6 cm:
The similarity with the example I presented when discussing relativ-
ity is intentional. In the case of Plato's cave dwellers, however, we rec-
ognized that this length contraction occurred because the cave dwellers
were merely seeing two-dimensional shadows of an underlying three-
dimensional object. Viewed from above, it can easily be seen that the
shorter shadow projected on the wall results because the ruler has been
rotated at an angle to the wall:
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shadow
And as another Greek philosopher, Pythagoras, taught us, when seen
this way, the length of the ruler is fixed, but the projections onto the wall
and a line perpendicular to the wall always combine together to give the
same length, as shown below:
shadow
N
This yields the famous Pythagorean theorem, L a =
+ y2, which high
school students have been subjected to for as long as high schools have
taught geometry. In three dimensions, this becomes L a =
+ ya + z1.
Two years after Einstein wrote his first paper on relativity Minkowski
recognized that perhaps the unexpected implications of the constancy
of the speed of light, and the new relations between space and time
unveiled by Einstein, might also reflect a deeper connection between
the two. Knowing that a photograph, which we usually picture as a
two-dimensional representation of three-dimensional space, is really
an image spread out in both space and time, Minkowski reasoned that
observers who were moving relative to each other might be observing
different three-dimensional slices of a four-dimensional universe, one in
which space and time are treated on an equal footing.
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If we return to the ruler example in the case of relativity, where the
ruler of the moving observer is measured to be shorter by the other
observer than it would be in the frame in which it is at rest, we should
also remember that for this observer the ruler is also `spread out" in
time—events at either end that are simultaneous to the observer at
rest with respect to the ruler are not simultaneous for the second ob-
server.
Minkowski recognized that one could accommodate this fact, and
all the others, by considering that the different three-dimensional
perspectives probed by each observer were in some sense different
"rotated" projections of a four-dimensional "space-time," where there
exists an invariant four-dimensional space-time length" that would be
the same for all observers. The four-dimensional space, which we now
call Minkowski space, is a little different from its 3-D counterpart, in
that time as a fourth dimension is treated slightly differently from the
three dimensions of space, x, y, and z. The four-dimensional `space-time
length," which we can label as S, is not written, in analogy to the three-
dimensional length, which we denoted by L, above, as
S2=X2+y2+22+t2
but rather as
S2 = X2 + y2 + 22 -
The minus sign that appears in front of t2 in the definition of space-
time length, S, gives Minkowski space its special characteristics, and it
is the reason our different perspectives of space and time when we are
moving relative to one another are not simple rotations, as in the case of
Plato's cave, but something a little more complicated.
Nevertheless, in one fell swoop, the very nature of our universe had
changed. As Minkowski poetically put it in 1908: "Henceforth space by
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itself, and time by itself, are doomed to fade away into mere shadows, and
only a kind of union of the two will preserve an independent reality."
Thus, on the surface, Einstein's Special Theory of Relativity appears
to make physical reality subjective and observer dependent, but rela-
tivity is in this sense a misnomer. The Theory of Relativity is instead a
theory of absolutes. Space and time measurements may be subjective,
but `space-time" measurements are universal and absolute. The speed of
light is universal and absolute. And four-dimensional Minkowski space
is the field on which the game of nature is played.
The depth of the radical change in perspective brought about by
Minkowski's reframing of Einstein's theory can perhaps best be under-
stood by considering Einstein's own reactions to Minkowski's picture.
Initially Einstein called it `superfluous learnedness," suggesting that it
was simply fancy mathematics, devoid of physical significance. Shortly
thereafter he emphasized this by saying, "Since the mathematicians
have invaded relativity theory, I do not understand it myself anymore."
Ultimately, however, as happened several times in his lifetime, Ein-
stein came around and recognized that this insight was essential to
understand the true nature of space and time, and he later built his
General Theory of Relativity on the foundation that Minkowski had
laid.
It would have been difficult if not impossible to guess that Faraday's
spinning wheels and magnets would eventually lead to such a profound
revision in our understanding of space and time. With the spectacles of
hindsight, however, we could have had at least an inkling that the unifi-
cation of electricity and magnetism could have heralded a world where
motion would reveal a new underlying reality.
Returning to Faraday and Maxwell, one of the important discoveries
that started the ball rolling was that a magnet acts on a moving elec-
tric charge with an odd force. Instead of pushing the charge forward or
backward, the magnet exerts a force always at right angles to the motion
of the electric charge. This force, now called the Lorentz force—after
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Hendrik Lorentz, a physicist who came close to discovering relativity
himself—can be pictured as follows:
force on particle
The charge moving between the poles of the magnet gets pushed upward.
But now consider how things would look from the frame of the par-
ticle. In its frame, the magnet would be moving past it.
force on particle
But by convention we think of an electrically charged particle at rest
as being affected only by electric forces. Thus, since the particle is at
rest in this frame, the force pushing the particle upward in this picture
would be interpreted as an electric force.
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One person's magnetism is therefore another person's electricity, and
what connects the two is motion. The unification of electricity and mag-
netism reflects at its heart that uniform relative motion gives observers
different perspectives of reality.
Motion, a subject first explored by Galileo, ultimately provided, three
centuries later, a key to a new reality—one in which not only electric-
ity and magnetism were unified, but also space and time. No one could
have anticipated this saga at its beginning.
But that is the beauty of the greatest story ever told.
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THE SHADOWS OF REALITY
As they were walking along and talking together,
suddenly a chariot of fire and horses of fire
appeared and separated the two of them.
-2 KINGS 2:11
One might have thought that, in 1908, following the after-
shock of the discovery of an unexpected hidden connection between
space and time, nature couldn't have gotten much stranger. But the cos-
mos doesn't care about our sensibilities. And once again, light provided
the key to the door of the rabbit hole to a world that makes Alice's expe-
riences seem tame.
While they may be strange, the connections unearthed by Einstein
and Minkowski can be intuitively understood—given the constancy of
the speed of light—as I have tried to demonstrate. Far less intuitive was
the next discovery, which was that on very small scales, nature behaves
in a way that human intuition cannot ever fully embrace, because we
cannot directly experience the behavior itself. As Richard Feynman
once argued, no one understands quantum mechanics—if by under-
stand one means developing a concrete physical picture that appears
fully intuitive.
71
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Even many years after the rules of quantum mechanics were dis-
covered, the discipline would keep yielding surprises. For example, in
19s2 the astrophysicist Hanbury Brown built an apparatus to measure
the angular size of large radio sources in the sky. It worked so well that
he and a colleague, Richard Twiss, applied the same idea to try to mea-
sure the optical light from individual stars and determine their angular
size. Many physicists claimed that their instrument, called an intensity
interferometer, could not possibly work. Quantum mechanics, they ar-
gued, would rule it out.
But it worked. It wasn't the first time physicists had been wrong about
quantum mechanics, and it wouldn't be the last....
Coming to grips with the strange behavior of quantum mechanics
means often accepting the seemingly impossible. As Brown himself
amusingly put it when trying to explain the theory of his intensity in-
terferometer, he and Twiss were expounding the "paradoxical nature of
light, or if you like, explaining the incomprehensible—an activity closely,
and interestingly, analogous to preaching the Athanasian Creed." In-
deed, like many of the stranger effects in quantum mechanics, the Holy
Trinity—Father, Son, and Holy Ghost all embodied at the same time in
a single being—is also seemingly impossible. The similarity ends there,
however.
Common sense also tells us that light cannot be both a wave and
a particle at the same time. However, in spite of what common sense
suggests, and whether we like it or not, experiments tell us it is so. Un-
like the Creed, developed in the fifth century, this fact is not a matter
of semantics or choice or belief. So we don't need to recite quantum
mechanics creeds every week to make them seem less bizarre or more
believable.
One hears about the interpretation of quantum mechanic? for
good reason, because the "classical" picture of reality—namely the pic-
ture given by Newton's laws of classical motion of the world as we ex-
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perience it on human scales—is inadequate to capture the full picture.
The surface world we experience hides key aspects of the processes that
underlie the phenomena we observe. So too Plato's philosophers could
not discover the biological processes that govern humans by observing
just the shadows of humans on the wall. No level of analysis would be
likely to allow them to intuit the full reality underlying the dark forms.
The quantum world defies our notion of what is sensible—or even
possible. It implies that at small scales and for short times, the simple
classical behavior of macroscopic objects—baseballs thrown from
pitcher to catcher, for example—simply breaks down. Instead, on small
scales, objects are undergoing many different classical behaviors—as
well as classically forbidden behaviors—at the same time.
Quantum mechanics, like almost all of physics since Plato, began
with scientists thinking about light. So it is appropriate to begin to ex-
plore quantum craziness by starting with light, in this case by return-
ing to an important experiment first reported by the British polymath
Thomas Young around iitoo—the famous "double-slit experiment."
Young lived in an era that is hard to appreciate today, when a bril-
liant and hardworking individual could make breakthroughs in a host
of different fields. But Young was not just any brilliant hardworking in-
dividual. He was a prodigy, reading at two, and by the age of thirteen
he had read the major Greek and Latin epic poems, had built a micro-
scope and a telescope, and was learning four different languages. Later,
trained as a medical doctor, Young was the first to propose, in 2806, the
modern concept of energy, which now permeates every field of scientific
endeavor. That alone would have made him memorable, but in his spare
time he also was one of the first to help decipher the hieroglyphics on
the Rosetta stone. He developed the physics of elastic materials, associ-
ated with what is now called Young's modulus, and helped first elucidate
the physiology of color vision. And his brave demonstration of the wave
nature of light (which argued against Isaac Newton's powerful claim
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that light was made of particles) was so compelling that it helped lay the
basis of Maxwell's discovery of electromagnetic waves.
Young's experiment is simple. Let's return to Plato's cave and con-
sider a screen placed in front of the back wall of the cave. Place two slits
in the screen as shown below (as seen from above):
wall
screen
HITTIMInghtraYs
If the light is made of particles, then those light rays that pierce the
slits would form two bright lines on the wall behind these two slits:
'I`
However, it was well known that waves, unlike particles, diffract
around barriers and narrow slits and would produce a very different
pattern on the wall. If waves impinge on the barrier, and if each slit is
narrow, a circular pattern of waves is generated at each slit, and the
patterns from the two slits can "interfere" with each other, sometimes
constructively and sometimes destructively. The result is a pattern of
bright and dark regions on the back wall, as shown below:
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light waves barrier
a
Interference pattern
Using just such an apparatus, with narrow slits, Young reported this
interference pattern, characteristic of waves, and so definitively dem-
onstrated the wave nature of light. In 1804, this was a milestone in the
history of physics.
One can try the same experiment that Young tried for light on el-
ementary particles such as electrons. If we send a beam of electrons
toward a phosphorescent screen, like the screen in old-fashioned televi-
sion sets, you will see a bright dot where the beam hits the screen. Now
imagine that we put two slits in front of the screen, as Young did for
light, and aim a wide stream of electrons at the screen:
Here, based on the reasoning I gave when I discussed the behavior of
light, you would expect to see a bright line behind each of the two slits,
where the electrons could pass through to the screen. However, as you
have probably already guessed, this is not what you would see, at least if
the slits are narrow enough and close enough. Instead, you see an interfer-
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ence pattern similar to that which Young observed for light waves. Elec-
trons, which are particles, seem to behave in this case just like waves of
light. In quantum mechanics, particles have wavelike properties.
That the electron "waves" emanating from one slit can interfere
with electron "waves" emanating from the other slit is unexpected and
strange, but not nearly as strange as what happens if we send a stream
of electrons toward the screen one at a time. Even in this case, the pat-
tern that builds up on the screen is identical to the interference pattern.
Somehow, each electron interferes with itself. Electrons are not billiard
balls.
We can understand this as follows: The probability of an electron's
hitting the screen at each point is determined by treating each electron
as not taking a single trajectory, but rather following many different tra-
jectories at once, some of which go through one slit and some of which
go through the other. Those that go through one slit then interfere with
those that go through the other slit—producing the observed interfer-
ence pattern at the screen.
Put more bluntly, one cannot say the electron goes through either
one slit or the other, as a billiard ball would. Rather it goes through nei-
ther and at the same time it goes through both.
Nonsense, you insist. So you propose a variant of the experiment to
prove it. Put an electron-measuring device at each slit that clicks when
an electron passes through that slit.
Sure enough, as each electron makes its way to the screen, only one
device clicks each time. So each electron apparently does go through
one and only one slit, not both.
However, if you now look at the pattern of electrons accumulating
at the screen behind the slits, the pattern will have changed from the
original interference pattern to the originally expected pattern—with a
bright region behind each of the two slits, just as if one were shooting
billiard balls or bullets and not waves toward the screen.
In other words, in attempting to verify your classical intuition, you
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changed the behavior of the electrons. Or, as more commonly asserted
in quantum mechanics, measurement of a system can alter its behavior.
One of the many seemingly impossible aspects of quantum mechan-
ics is that there is no experiment you can perform that demonstrates
that in the absence of measurement the electrons behave in a sensible
classical way.
This strange wavelike nature of objects that would otherwise be con-
sidered to be particles—such as electrons—is mathematically expressed
by assigning to each electron a "wave function," which describes the
probability of finding that electron at any given point. If the wave func-
tion takes on non-zero values at many different points, then the elec-
tron's position cannot be isolated in advance of accurately measuring its
position. In other words there is a non-zero probability that the electron
is not actually localized at just some specific point in space in advance
of making a measurement.
While you might imagine that this is a simple problem of not hav-
ing access to all the information we need to locate the particle until we
make a measurement, Young's double-slit experiment, when updated
for electrons, demonstrated that this is most certainly not the case. Any
"sensible" classical picture of what is happening between measurements
is inconsistent with the data.
•
•
•
The strange behavior of electrons was not the first evidence that the
microscopic world could not be understood by intuitive classical logic.
Once again, in keeping with the revolutionary developments in our un-
derstanding of nature since Plato, the discovery of quantum mechanics
began with a consideration of light.
Recall that if we perform Young's double-slit experiment in Plato's
cave with light rays, we get the interference pattern on the wall that
Young discovered, which demonstrated that light was indeed a wave. So
far, so good. However, if the light source is sufficiently weak, then if we
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try to detect the light as it passes through either of the slits, something
strange happens. We will measure the light beam as traveling through
one slit or the other, not both. And as with electrons, in this case the
pattern on the wall will now change, looking as it would if light were
particles and not waves.
In fact, light also behaves like both a particle and a wave, depending
on the circumstances under which you choose to measure it. The indi-
vidual particles of light, which we now call photons, were first labeled
quanta by the German theoretical physicist Max Planck, who suggested
in 1900 that light might be admitted or absorbed in some smallest bun-
dle (although the idea that light might come in discrete packets had
earlier been floated by the great Ludwig Boltzmann in 1877).
I have come to admire Planck even more as I have learned about his
life. Like Einstein, he was an unpaid lecturer and was not offered an
academic position after completing his thesis. During this time he spent
his career trying to understand the nature of heat and developed several
important pieces of work in thermodynamics. Five years after defend-
ing his thesis, he was finally offered a university position, and he then
quickly rose up the ranks and became a full professor at the prestigious
University of Berlin in 1892.
In 1894 he turned to the question of the nature of light emitted by hot
objects, in part driven by commercial considerations (the first example
I know of in the story I have been telling where fundamental physics
was commercially motivated). He was commissioned to explore how to
get the maximum amount of light out of the newly invented lightbulbs
while using the minimum amount of energy.
We all know that when we heat up an oven element it first glows
red, and then, when it gets hotter, it begins to glow blue. But why? Sur-
prisingly, the conventional approaches to this problem were unable to
reproduce these observations. After struggling with the problem for six
years, Planck presented a revolutionary proposal about radiation that
agreed with observations.
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Originally there was nothing revolutionary about his derivation, but
within two months he had revised his analysis to accommodate ideas
about what was happening at a fundamental level. In a quote that has
endeared him to me since I first read it, he wrote that his new approach
arose as "an act of despair.... I was ready to sacrifice any of my previous
convictions about physics."
This reflects to me the fundamental quality that makes the scientific
process so effective, and which is so clearly represented in the rise of
quantum mechanics. "Previous convictions" are just convictions wait-
ing to be overturned—by empirical data, if necessary. We throw out
cherished old notions like yesterday's newspaper if they don't work.
And they didn't work in explaining the nature of radiation emitted by
matter.
Planck derived his law of radiation from the fundamental assump-
tion that light, which was a wave, nevertheless was emitted only in
"packets" of some minimum energy—proportional to the frequency
of the radiation in question. He labeled the constant that related the
energy to the frequency the "action quantum," which is now called
Planck's constant.
This may not sound so revolutionary, and as Faraday did with elec-
tric fields, Planck viewed his assumption as merely a formal mathemati-
cal crutch to aid in his analysis. He later stated, "Actually I did not think
much about it." Nevertheless, this proposal that light was emitted in
particle-like packets is clearly difficult to reconcile with the classical pic-
ture of light as a wave. The energy carried by a wave is simply related to
the magnitude of its oscillations, which can change continuously from
zero. However, according to Planck, the amount of energy that could be
emitted in a light wave of a given frequency had an absolute minimum.
This minimum was termed an "energy quantum."
Planck subsequently tried to develop a classical physical understand-
ing of these energy quanta, but failed—causing him, as he put it, "much
trouble." Still, unlike a number of his colleagues, he recognized that the
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universe didn't exist to make his life easier. Referring to the physicist
and astronomer Sir James Jeans, who was unwilling to give up classical
notions in the face of the evidence provided by radiation, Planck stated,
1 am unable to understand Jeans's stubbornness—he is an example of
a theoretician as should never be existing, the same as Hegel was for
philosophy. So much the worse for the facts if they don't fit" (Just to
be clear, in case readers are moved to write me letters, Planck cast this
aspersion on Hegel, not me!)
Planck later became friends with another physicist who had let the
facts drive him toward another revolutionary idea, Albert Einstein. In
1914, when Planck had become dean at Berlin University, he established
a new professorship for Einstein there. At first Planck could not accept
Einstein's remarkable proposal—made in 19O5, the same year in which
he proposed the Special Theory of Relativity—that not only was light
emitted by matter in quantum packets, but that light beams themselves
existed as bunches of these quanta—that light itself was made up of
particle-like objects, which we now call photons.
Einstein was driven to this proposal to explain a phenomenon called
the photoelectric effect, discovered by Philipp Lenard in 19oz—a physi-
cist whose anti-Semitism would later play a key role in delaying Ein-
stein's Nobel Prize, and ensuring, curiously, if perhaps poetically, that it
would be not for Einstein's work on relativity, but rather on the photo-
electric effect. In the photoelectric effect, light shining on a metal sur-
face can knock electrons out of atoms and produce a current. However,
no matter how intense the light, no electrons would be emitted if the
frequency of the light was below some threshold. The moment the fre-
quency was raised above that threshold, a photoelectric current would
be generated.
Einstein realized, correctly, that this could be explained if the light
came in minimum packets of energy, with the energy proportional to the
frequency of light—as Planck had postulated for light emitted by mat-
ter. In this case, only light with frequencies greater than some threshold
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frequency could contain quanta energetic enough to kick electrons out
of atoms.
Planck could accept the quantized emission of radiation as explaining
his radiation law, but the assumption that light itself was quantumlike
(i.e., particle-like) was so foreign to the common understanding of light as
an electromagnetic wave that Planck balked. Only six years later, at a con-
ference in Belgium, the Solvay Conference, which later became famous,
was Einstein finally able to convince Planck that the classical picture of
light had to be abandoned, and that quanta—aka photons—were real.
Einstein was also the first to actually use a fact that he later de-
nounced in his famous statement deriding the probabilistic essence of
quantum mechanics and reality: "God does not play dice with the uni-
verse." He showed that if atoms spontaneously (i.e., without direct cause)
absorb and emit finite packets of radiation as electrons jump between
discrete energy levels in atoms, then he could rederive the Planck radia-
tion law.
It is ironic that Einstein, who started the quantum revolution but
never joined it, was also perhaps the first to use probabilistic arguments
to describe the nature of matter—a strategy that the subsequent physi-
cists who turned quantum mechanics into a full theory would place
front and center. As a result, Einstein was one of the first physicists to
demonstrate that God does play dice with the universe.
To take the analogy a little further, Einstein was one of the first phys-
icists to demonstrate that the classical notion of causation begins to
break down in the quantum realm. Many people have taken exception
to my proposal that the universe needed no cause but simply popped
into existence from nothing. Yet this is precisely what happens with the
light you are using to read this page. Electrons in hot atoms emit pho-
tons—photons that didn't exist before they were emitted—which are
emitted spontaneously and without specific cause. Why is it that we
have grown at least somewhat comfortable with the idea that photons
can be created from nothing without cause, but not whole universes?
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The realization that electromagnetic waves were also particles began
a quantum revolution that would change everything about the way we
view nature. To be a particle and a wave at the same time is impossible
classically—as should be clear from the earlier discussion in this chap-
ter—but it is possible in the quantum world. As should also be clear, this
was just the beginning.
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Therefore do not throw away your confidence,
which has a great reward.
-HEBREWS 10:35
Conventional wisdom might suggest that physicists love
to invent crazy esoterica to explain the universe around us, either be-
cause we have nothing better to do, or because we are particularly per-
verse. However, as the unveiling of the quantum world demonstrates,
more often than not it is nature that drags us scientists, kicking and
screaming, away from the safety of what is familiar.
Nevertheless, to say that the pioneers who pushed us forward into the
quantum world lacked confidence would be a profound misstatement. The
voyage they embarked upon was without precedent and without guides.
The world they were entering defied all common sense, and classical logic,
and they had to be prepared at every turn for a change in the rules.
Imagine taking a road trip to another country, where the inhabitants
all speak a foreign language, and the laws are not based on experiences
that compare to any you have ever had in your life. Moreover imagine
the traffic signals are hidden and can change from place to place. Then
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you can get a sense of where the young Turks who overturned our under-
standing of nature in the first half of the twentieth century were heading.
The analogy between exploring strange new quantum worlds and
embarking on a trek through a new landscape may seemed strained, but
exactly such a relationship between the two was paralleled in the life of
none other than Werner Heisenberg, one of the founders of quantum
mechanics, who once reminisced about an evening in the summer of
1926 on the island of Helgoland, a lovely oasis in the North Sea, when he
realized he had discovered the theory:
It was almost three o'clock in the morning before the final result of
my computations lay before me. The energy principle had held for
all the terms, and I could no longer doubt the mathematical
consistency and coherence of the kind of quantum mechanics to
which my calculations pointed. At first, 1 was deeply alarmed. I
had the feeling that, through the surface of atomic phenomena, I
was looking at a strangely beautiful interior and felt almost giddy
at the thought that I now had to probe this wealth of mathematical
structures nature had so generously spread out before me. I was far
too excited to sleep, and so, as a new day dawned, I made for the
southern tip of the island, where I had been longing to climb a rock
jutting out into the sea. I now did so without too much trouble and
waited for the sun to rise.
Heisenberg, fresh from obtaining his PhD, had moved to the distin-
guished German university in Gottingen to work with Max Born to try
to come up with a consistent theory of quantum mechanics (a term first
used in the paper "On Quantum Mechanics" by Born in 1924). However,
spring hay fever had laid Heisenberg low, and he escaped the green coun-
tryside for the sea. There, he polished off his ideas about the quantum
behavior of atoms and sent it off to Born, who submitted it for publication.
You may be familiar with Heisenberg's name, not least because of the
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famous principle associated with it. The Heisenberg uncertainty principle
has gained a New Age aura, providing fuel for many a charlatan to take
advantage of people for whom quantum mechanics seems to offer hope of
a world where any dream, no matter how outlandish, is realizable.
Other familiar names, Bohr, Schrodinger, Dirac, and later Feynman
and Dyson, each made great leaps into the unknown. But they weren't
alone. Physics is a collaborative discipline. Too often science stories are
written as if the protagonists had a sudden Aha! experience alone late
at night. Heisenberg had been working on quantum mechanics for sev-
eral years with his PhD supervisor, the brilliant German scientist Arnold
Sommerfeld (whose students would win four Nobel Prizes, and whose
postdoctoral research assistants would win three), and later with Born
(who was finally recognized with a Nobel almost thirty years later), as
well as a young colleague, Pascual Jordan. Every major triumph we cel-
ebrate with a name and a prize is accompanied by a legion of hardwork-
ing, often less heralded, individuals, each of whom moves forward the line
of scrimmage by a little bit. Baby steps are the norm, not the exception.
The most remarkable leaps into the unknown are often not fully ap-
preciated, even by their developers, until much later. Thus Einstein, for
example, never trusted his beautiful General Relativity enough to believe
its prediction that the universe cannot be static but must be expanding
or contracting—until observations demonstrated the expansion. And
the world didn't stand on its head when Heisenberg's paper appeared.
Heisenberg's friend and contemporary the brilliant and irascible physi-
cist Wolfgang Pauli (another future Nobel laureate assistant to Som-
merfeld) thought the work to be essentially mathematical masturbation,
leading Heisenberg to respond in jocular form:
You have to allow that, in any case, we are not seeking to ruin
physics out of malicious intent. When you reproach us that we are
such big donkeys that we have never produced anything new in
physics, it may well be true. But then, you are also an equally big
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jackass because you have not accomplished it either . . . Do not
think badly of me and many greetings.
Physics doesn't proceed in the linear fashion that textbooks recount. In
real life, as in many good mystery stories, there are false leads, mispercep-
tions, and wrong turns at every step. The story of the development of quan-
tum mechanics is full of them. But I want to cut to the chase here, and so I
will skip over Niels Bohr, whose ideas laid out the first fundamental atomic
rules of the quantum world as well as the basis for much of modern chemis-
try. We'll also skip Erwin Schrtidinger, who was a remarkably colorful char-
acter, fathering at least three children with various mistresses, and whose
wave equation is the most famous icon of quantum mechanics.
Instead I will focus first on Heisenberg, or rather not Heisenberg
himself, but instead the result that made his name famous: the Heisen-
berg uncertainty principle. This is often interpreted to mean that the
observations of quantum systems affect their properties—which was
manifest in our earlier discussions of electrons or photons passing
through two slits and impinging on a screen behind them.
Unfortunately this leads to the misimpression that somehow observers,
in particular human observers, play a key role in quantum mechanics—a
confusion that has been exploited by my Twitter combatant Deepak Cho-
pra, who, in his various ramblings, somehow seems to think the universe
wouldn't exist if our consciousness weren't here to measure and frame
its properties. Happily the universe predates Chopra's consciousness and
was proceeding pretty nicely before the advent of all life on Earth.
However, the Heisenberg uncertainty principle at its heart has noth-
ing to do with observers at all, even though it does limit their ability to
perform measurements. It is instead a fundamental property of quan-
tum systems, and it can be derived relatively straightforwardly and
mathematically, based on the wave properties of these systems.
Consider for example a simple wavelike disturbance with a single
frequency (wavelength) oscillating as it moves along the x direction:
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As I have noted, in quantum mechanics particles have a wavelike
character. Thanks to Max Born we recognize that the square of the am-
plitude of the wave associated with a particle at any point—what we
now call the wave function of the particle, following Schthdinger—
determines the probability of finding the particle at that point. Because
the amplitude of the oscillating wave above is more or less constant at
all the peaks, such a wave, if it corresponded to the probability ampli-
tude of finding an electron, would imply a more or less uniform prob-
ability for finding the electron anywhere along the path.
Now consider what a disturbance would look like if it was the sum of
two waves of slightly different frequencies (wavelengths), moving along
the x axis:
When we combine the two waves, the resulting disturbance will look
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Because of the slightly different wavelengths of the two waves, the
peaks and troughs will tend to cancel out, or "negatively interfere" with
each other everywhere except for the rare places where the two peaks
occur at the same point (one of these locations is shown in the figure
above). This is reminiscent of the wave interference phenomenon in the
Young double-slit experiment I described earlier.
If we add yet another wave of slightly different wavelength
the resulting wave then looks like this:
The interference washes out more of the oscillations aside from the
position where the two waves line up, making the amplitude of the wave
at the peak much higher there than elsewhere.
You can imagine what would happen if I continue this process, con-
tinuing to add just the right amount of waves with slightly different fre-
quencies to the original wave. Eventually the resulting wave amplitudes
will cancel out more and more at all places except for some small re-
gion around the center of the figure, and at faraway places where all the
peaks might again line up:
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The greater the number of slightly different frequencies that I add to-
gether, the narrower will be the width of the largest central peak. Now,
imagine that this represents the wave function of some particle. The
larger the amplitude of the central peak, the greater the probability of
finding the particle somewhere within the width of that peak. But the
width of that central peak is still never quite zero, so the disturbance
remains spread out over some small, if increasingly narrow, region.
Now recall that Planck and Einstein told us that, for light waves, at
least, the energy of each quantum of radiation, i.e., each photon, is di-
rectly related to its frequency. Not surprisingly, a similar relation holds
for the probability waves associated with massive particles, but in this
case it is the momentum of the particle that is related to the frequency
of the probability wave associated with the particle.
Hence, Heisenberg's uncertainty relation: If we want to localize a
particle over a small region, i.e., have the width of the highest peak in
its wave function as narrow as possible, then we must consider that the
wave function is made up by adding lots of different waves of slightly
different frequencies together. But this means that the momentum of
the particle, which is associated with the frequency of its wave func-
tion, must be spread out somewhat. The narrower the dominant peak in
space in the particle's wave function, the greater the number of different
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frequencies (i.e., momenta) that must be added together to make up the
final wave function. Put in a more familiar way, the more accurately
we wish to determine the specific position of a particle, the greater the
uncertainty in its momentum.
As you can see, there is no restriction here related to actual obser-
vations, or consciousness, or the specific technology associated with any
observation. It is an inherent property of the fact that, in the quantum
world, a wave function is associated with each particle, and for particles of
a fixed specific momentum, the wave function has one specific frequency.
After discovering this relation, Heisenberg was the first to provide a
heuristic picture of why this might be the case, which he posed in terms
of a thought experiment. To measure the position of a particle you have
to bounce light off the particle, and to resolve the position with great
precision requires light of a wavelength small enough to resolve this
position. But the smaller the wavelength, the bigger the frequency and
the higher the energy associated with the quanta of that radiation. But
bouncing light with a higher and higher energy off the particle clearly
changes the particle's energy and momentum. Thus, after the measure-
ment is made, you may know the position of the particle at the time of
the measurement, but the range of possible energies and momenta you
have imparted to the particle by scattering light off it is now large.
For this reason, many people confuse the Heisenberg uncertainty
relation with the "observer effect," as it has become known, in quan-
tum mechanics. But, as the example l have given should demonstrate,
inherently the Heisenberg uncertainty principle has nothing to do with
observation at all. To paraphrase a friend of mine, if consciousness had
anything to do with determining the results of quantum physics experi-
ments, then in reporting the results of physics experiments we would
have to discuss what the experimenter was thinking about—for exam-
ple, sex—when performing the experiment. But we don't. The supernova
explosions that produced the atoms that make up your body and mine
occurred quite nicely long before our consciousness existed.
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The Heisenberg uncertainty principle epitomizes in many ways the
complete demise of our classical worldview of nature. Independent of
any technology we might someday develop, nature puts an absolute
limit on our ability to know, with any degree of certainty, both the mo-
mentum and position of any particle.
But the issue is even more extreme than this statement implies.
Knowing has nothing to do with it. As I described in the earlier double-
slit experiment example, there is no sense in which the particle has at
any time both a specific position and a specific momentum. It possesses
a wide range of both, at the same time, until we measure it and thereby
fix at least one of them within some small range determined by our
measurement apparatus.
Following Heisenberg, the next step in unveiling the quantum craziness
of reality was taken by an unlikely explorer, Paul Adrien Maurice Dirac.
In one sense, Dirac was the perfect man for the job. As Einstein is re-
puted to have later said of him, "This balancing on the dizzying path
between genius and madness is awful!
When I think of Dirac, an old joke comes to mind. A young child has
never spoken and his parents go to see numerous doctors to seek help,
to no avail. Finally, on his fourth birthday he comes down for breakfast
and looks up at his parents and says, This toast is cold!" His parents
nearly burst with happiness, hug each other, and ask the child why he
has never before spoken. He answers, "Up to now, everything was fine!
Dirac was notoriously laconic, and a host of stories exist about his
unwillingness to engage in any sort of repartee, and also about how he
seemed to take everything that was said to him literally. Once, while
Dirac was writing on a blackboard during one of his lectures, some-
one in the audience was reputed to have raised his hand and said, 1
don't understand that particular step you have just written down? Dirac
stood silent for the longest while until the audience member asked if
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Dirac was going to answer the question. To which Dirac said, "There
was no question."
I actually spoke to Dirac, one day, on the phone—and I was terrified.
I was still an undergraduate and wanted to invite him to a meeting I was
organizing for undergraduates around the country. I made the mistake
of calling him right after my quantum mechanics class, which made me
even more terrified. After a rambling request that I blurted out, he was
silent for a moment, then gave a simple one-line response: sNo, I don't
think I have anything to say to undergraduates?
Personality aside, Dirac was anything but timid in his pursuit of a
new Holy Grail: a mathematical formulation that might unify the two
new revolutionary developments of the twentieth century, quantum
mechanics and relativity. In spite of numerous efforts since Schthdinger
(who derived his famous wave equation during a two-week tryst in the
mountains with several of his girlfriends), and since Heisenberg had re-
vealed the basic underpinning of quantum mechanics, no one had been
successful at fully explaining the behavior of electrons bound deep in-
side atoms.
These electrons have, on average, velocities that are a fair fraction of
the speed of light, and to describe them, we must use Special Relativity.
Schrodinger's equation worked well to describe the energy levels of elec-
trons in the outer parts of simple atoms such as hydrogen, where it pro-
vided a quantum extension of Newtonian physics. It was not the proper
description when relativistic effects needed to be taken into account.
Ultimately Dirac succeeded where all others had failed, and the
equation he discovered, one of the most important in modern particle
physics, is, not surprisingly, called the Dirac equation. (Some years later,
when Dirac first met the physicist Richard Feynman, whom we shall
come to shortly, Dirac said after another awkward silence, "I have an
equation. Do you?")
Dirac's equation was beautiful, and as the first relativistic treatment
of the electron, it allowed correct and precise predictions for the energy
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levels of all electrons in atoms, the frequencies of light they emit, and
thus the nature of all atomic spectra. But the equation had a fundamen-
tal problem. It seemed to predict new particles that didn't exist.
To establish the mathematics necessary to describe an electron mov-
ing at relativistic speeds, Dirac had to introduce a totally new formalism
that used four different quantities to describe electrons.
As far as we physicists can discern, electrons are microscopic point
particles of essentially zero radius. Yet in quantum mechanics they nev-
ertheless behave like spinning tops and therefore have what physicists
call angular momentum. Angular momentum reflects that once objects
start spinning, they will not stop unless you apply some force as a brake.
The faster they are spinning, or the more massive they are, the greater
the angular momentum.
There is, alas, no classical way of picturing a pointlike object such
as an electron spinning around an axis. Spin is thus one of the areas
where quantum mechanics simply has no intuitive classical analogue.
In Dirac's relativistic extension of Schthdinger's equation, electrons can
possess only two possible values for their angular momentum, which we
simply call their spin. Think of electrons as either spinning around one
direction, which we can call up, or spinning around the opposite direc-
tion, which we can call down. Because of this, two quantities are needed
to describe the configurations of electrons, one for spin-up electrons
and one for spin-down electrons.
After some initial confusion, it became clear that the other two
quantities that Dirac needed to describe electrons in his relativistic for-
mulation of quantum mechanics seemed to describe something crazy—
another version of electrons with the same mass and spin but with the
opposite electric charge. If, by convention, electrons have a negative
charge, then these new particles would have a positive charge.
Dirac was flummoxed. No such particle had ever been observed. In
a moment of desperation, Dirac supposed that perhaps the positively
charged particle described by his theory was actually the proton, which,
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however, has a mass two thousand times larger than that of the electron.
He gave some hand-waving arguments for why the positively charged
particle might get a heavier mass. The larger weight could be caused
by different possible electromagnetic interactions it had with otherwise
empty space, which he envisaged might be populated with a possibly
infinite sea of unobservable particles. This is actually not as crazy as it
sounds, but to describe why would force us toward one of those twists
and turns that we want to avoid here. In any case, it was quickly shown
that this idea didn't hold water—first, because the mathematics didn't
support this argument, and the new particles would have to have the
same mass as electrons. Second, if the proton and the electron were
in some sense mirror images, then they could annihilate each other so
that neutral matter could not be stable. Dirac had to admit that if his
theory was true, some new positive version of the electron had to exist
in nature.
Fortunately for Dirac, within a year of his resigned capitulation, Carl
Anderson found particles in cosmic rays that are identical to electrons
but have the opposite charge. The positron was born, and Dirac was
heard to say, in response to his unwillingness to accept the implications
of his own mathematics, "My equation was smarter than I was!" Much
later he reportedly gave another reason for not acknowledging the pos-
sibility of a new particle: `Pure cowardice."
Dirac's "prediction," even if reluctant, was a remarkable milestone. It
was the first time that, purely on the basis of theoretical notions arising
from mathematics, a new particle was predicted. Think about that.
Maxwell had spostdicted" the existence of light as a result of his
unification of electricity and magnetism. Le Verrier had predicted the
existence of Neptune by using observations of anomalies in the orbit of
Uranus. But here was a prediction of a new basic feature of the universe
based purely on theoretical arguments about nature at its most funda-
mental scales, with no direct experimental motivation in advance. It
may have seemed like a matter of faith, but it wasn't—after all, the pro-
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poser didn't actually believe it—and while like faith it proposed an un-
observed reality, unlike faith it proposed a reality that could be tested,
and it could have been wrong.
The discovery of relativity by Einstein revolutionized our ideas of
space and time, and the discoveries by Schthdinger and Heisenberg of
the laws of quantum mechanics revolutionized our picture of atoms.
Dirac's first combination of the two provided a new window on the hid-
den nature of matter at much smaller scales. It heralded the beginning
of the modern era in particle physics, setting a trend that has continued
for almost a century.
First, if the Dirac equation was applied more generally to other par-
ticles, and there was no reason to believe it shouldn't be, then not only
would electrons have "antiparticles," as they later became known, so
would all the other known particles in nature.
Antimatter has become the stuff of science fiction. Starships such as
the USS Enterprise in Star Trek are invariably powered by antimatter,
and the possibility of an antimatter bomb was the silliest part of the plot
in the recent mystery thriller Angels & Demons. But antimatter is real.
Not only was the positron discovered in cosmic rays, but antiprotons
and antineutrons were discovered later as well.
At a fundamental level, antimatter is not so strange. Positrons are
just like electrons, after all, only with the opposite charge. They do not,
as many people think, fall sup" in a gravitational field. Matter and an-
timatter can interact and completely annihilate into pure radiation,
which seems sinister. But particle-antiparticle annihilation is just one
in a host of new possible interactions of elementary particles that can
occur once we enter the subatomic realm. Moreover, one would need a
large amount of antimatter to actually annihilate enough matter to even
light a lightbulb with the energy produced.
Ultimately, that is why antimatter is strange. It is strange because the
universe we live in is full of matter, and not antimatter. A universe made
of antimatter would seem identical to ours. And a universe made of
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equal amounts of matter and antimatter—which would surely seem the
most sensible universe to begin with—would, unless something hap-
pened in the meantime, be boring because the matter and antimatter
would have long ago annihilated each other and the universe would now
contain nothing but radiation.
Why our world is full of matter and not antimatter remains one of
the most interesting issues in modern physics. But recognizing that the
real reason why antimatter is strange is simply because you never en-
counter it once caused me to suggest the following analogy. Antimatter
is strange in the same sense that Belgians are strange. They are certainly
not intrinsically strange, but if you ever ask in a big auditorium full of
people, as I have, for the Belgians to raise their hands, almost no one
ever does.
Except when I lectured in Belgium, as I did recently, and where I
learned my analogy was not appreciated.
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A WRINKLE IN TIME
For you are a mist that appears for a little time and
then vanishes.
-JAMES 4:14
Each hidden connection in nature revealed by science
since the time of Galileo has led physics in new and unexpected direc-
tions. The unification of electricity and magnetism revealed the hidden
nature of light. Unifying light with Galileo's laws of motion revealed the
hidden connections between space and time embodied in relativity. The
unification of light and matter revealed the strange quantum universe.
And the unification of quantum mechanics and relativity revealed the
existence of antiparticles.
Dirac's discovery of antiparticles came as a result of his "guessing"
the correct equation to describe the relativistic quantum interactions
of electrons with electromagnetic fields. He had little physical intuition
to back it up, which is one reason why Dirac himself and others were
initially so skeptical of his result. Clarifying the physical imperative for
antimatter came through the work of one of the most important physi-
cists of the latter half of the twentieth century, Richard Feynman.
Feynman could not have been more different from Dirac. While
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Dirac was taciturn in the extreme, Feynman was gregarious and a
charming storyteller. While Dirac rarely, if ever, intentionally joked,
Feynman was a prankster who openly enjoyed every aspect of life.
While Dirac was too shy to meet women, Feynman, after the death of
his first wife, sought out female companions of every sort. Yet, physics
breeds strange bedfellows, and Feynman and Dirac will forever be intel-
lectually linked—once again by light. Together they helped complete
the description of the long-sought quantum theory of radiation.
Coming a generation after Dirac, Feynman was in awe of him and
spoke of him as one of his physics heroes. Therefore, appropriately, a
short 1939 paper that Dirac wrote, in which he suggested a new ap-
proach to quantum mechanics, would inspire the work that ultimately
won Feynman a Nobel Prize.
Heisenberg and Schrodinger had explained how systems behave
quantum mechanically starting with some initial state of the system
and calculating how it evolves over time. But, once again, light provides
the key to another way to think about quantum systems.
We are accustomed to thinking of light as always going in straight
lines. But it doesn't. This is manifest when you view a mirage on a long
straight highway on a hot day. The road looks wet way up ahead because
light from the sky refracts, bending as it crosses the many successive
layers of warm air near the surface of the road, until it heads back up to
your eye.
The French mathematician Pierre de Fermat showed in ikso another
way to understand this phenomenon. Light travels faster in warmer, less
dense air than it does in colder air. Because the warmest air is near the
surface, the light takes less time to get to your eye if it travels down near
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the ground and then returns up to your eye than it would if it came di-
rectly in a straight line to your eye. Fermat formulated a principle, called
the Principle of Least Time, which says that, to determine the ultimate
trajectory of any light ray, you simply need to examine all possible paths
from A to B and find the one that takes the least time.
This makes it sound as if light has intentionality, and I resisted the
temptation to say light considers all paths and chooses the one that
takes the least time because I fully expect that Deepak Chopra would
later quote me as implying that light has consciousness. Light does not
have consciousness, but the mathematical result makes it appear as if
light chooses the shortest distance.
Now, recall that in quantum mechanics, light rays and electrons do
not act as if they take a single trajectory to go from one place to an-
other—they take all possible trajectories at the same time. Each trajec-
tory has a specific probability of being measured, and the classical, least
time, trajectory has the largest probability of all.
In 1939, Dirac suggested a way of calculating all such probabilities and
summing them to determine the quantum mechanical likelihood that a
particle that starts out at A will end up at B. Richard Feynman, as a gradu-
ate student, after learning about Dirac's paper at a beer party, mathemati-
cally derived a specific example demonstrating that this idea worked. By
taking Dirac's hint as a starting point, Feynman derived results that were
identical to those that one would derive using the Schrodinger or Heisen-
berg pictures, at least in simple cases. More important, Feynman could
use this new `sum over paths" formula to handle quantum systems that
couldn't easily be described or analyzed by the other methods.
Eventually Feynman refined his mathematical technique to help
push forward Dirac's relativistic equation for the quantum behavior of
electrons and to produce a fully consistent quantum mechanical theory
of the interaction between electrons and light. For that work, establish-
ing the theory known as quantum electrodynamics (QED), he shared
the Nobel Prize in 1963 with Julian Schwinger and Sin-Itiro Tomonaga.
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Even before completing this work, however, Feynman described an
intuitive physical reason why relativity, when combined with quantum
mechanics, requires the existence of antiparticles.
Consider an electron moving along on a possible "quantum" trajec-
tory. What does this mean? An electron takes all possible trajectories
between two points as long as I am not measuring it while it travels.
Among these are trajectories that are classically not allowed because
they would violate rules such as the limitation that objects cannot travel
faster than light (arising from relativity). Now the Heisenberg uncer-
tainty principle says that even if I try to measure the electron along its
trajectory over some short time interval, some intrinsic uncertainty in
the velocity of the electron remains that can never be overcome. Thus
even if I measure the trajectory at various points, I cannot rule out some
weird nonclassical behavior during these intervals. Now, imagine the
trajectory shown below:
time
For the short time in the middle of the time interval shown the elec-
tron is traveling faster than the speed of light.
But Einstein tells us that time is relative, and different observers will
measure different intervals between events. And if a particle is travel-
ing faster than light in one reference frame, in another reference frame
it will appear to be traveling backward in time, as shown below (this is
one of the reasons relativity restricts all observed particles to travel at
speeds less than or equal to the speed of light:
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Ttime
Feynman recognized that in the latter frame this would look like an
electron moving forward in time for a little while, then moving back-
ward in time, then moving forward in time. But what does an electron
moving backward in time appear like? Since the electron is negatively
charged, a negative charge moving backward in time to the right is
equivalent to a positive charge moving forward in time to the left. Thus,
the picture is equivalent to the following..
7%
7
In this picture one starts with an electron moving forward in time,
and then sometime later an electron and a particle that appears like
an electron but has the opposite charge suddenly appear out of empty
space, and the positively charged particle moves to the left, again for-
ward in time, until it encounters the original electron and the two an-
nihilate, leaving only one electron left over to continue moving.
All of this happens on a timescale that cannot be observed directly,
for if it could be, then this strange behavior, violating the tenets of rela-
tivity, would be impossible. Nevertheless, you can be assured that inside
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the paper in the book you are now reading, or behind the screen of your
ebook, these kinds of processes are happening all the time.
Nevertheless, if such a trajectory is possible in the invisible quan-
tum world, then antiparticles must exist in the visible world—particles
identical to known particles but with opposite electric charge (which
appear in the equations of this theory as if they were particles going
backward in time). This also makes it possible for particle-antiparticle
pairs to spontaneously appear out of empty space, as long as they an-
nihilate in a time period quickly enough so that their brief existence
cannot be measured.
With this line of reasoning, not only did Feynman give a physical
argument for the existence of antiparticles required by the unification
of relativity and quantum mechanics, he also demonstrated that at any
time we cannot say that only one or two particles are in some region.
A potentially infinite number of "virtual" particle-antiparticle pairs—
pairs of particles whose existence is so fleeting that they cannot be di-
rectly observed—can be appearing and disappearing spontaneously on
timescales so short that we cannot measure them.
This picture sounds so outrageous that you should be incredulous.
After all, if we cannot measure these virtual particles directly, how can
we claim that they exist?
The answer is that while we cannot detect the effects of these virtual
particle-antiparticle pairs directly, we can indirectly infer their presence
because they can indirectly affect the properties of systems we can observe.
The theory in which these virtual particles are incorporated, along
with the electromagnetic interactions of electrons and positrons, called
quantum electrodynamics, is the best scientific theory we have so far.
Predictions based on the theory have been compared with observations,
and they agree to more than ten decimal places. In no other area of sci-
ence can this level of accuracy be obtained in the comparison between
observation and prediction, based on the direct applications of funda-
mental principles on the most basic scales we can describe.
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But the agreement between theory and observation is only possible if
the effects of virtual particles are included. Indeed, the very phenome-
non of virtual particles implies that, in quantum theory, forces between
particles are always conveyed by the exchange of virtual particles, in a
way I shall now describe.
In quantum electrodynamics, electromagnetic interactions occur by
the absorption or emission of the quanta of electromagnetism, namely
photons. Following Feynman, we can diagram this interaction as an
electron emitting a wavy "virtual" photon (y) and changing direction:
Then, the electric interaction between two electrons can be dia-
grammed as:
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In this case, the electrons interact with each other by exchanging a
virtual photon, one that is spontaneously emitted by the electron on the
left and absorbed by the other in so short a time that the photon cannot
be observed. The two electrons repel each other and move apart after
the interaction.
This also explains why electromagnetism is a long-range force. The
Heisenberg uncertainty principle tells us that if we measure a system for
some time interval, then there is an associated uncertainty in the mea-
sured energy of the system. Moreover, as the time interval gets bigger,
the associated uncertainty in energy gets smaller. Because the photon
is massless, a virtual massless photon, using Einstein's relation between
mass and energy, can carry an arbitrarily small amount of energy when
it is created. This means that it can travel an arbitrarily long time—
and therefore an arbitrarily long distance—before being absorbed, and
it will still be protected by the uncertainty principle, as the energy it
can carry is so small that no visible violation of the conservation of en-
ergy will occur. Thus, an electron on Earth can emit a virtual photon
that could travel to Alpha Centauri, four light-years away, and that pho-
ton can still produce a force on an electron there that absorbs it. If the
photon weren't massless, however, but had some rest mass, m, it would
carry with it a minimum energy, given by E = mo, and could therefore
only travel a finite distance (i.e., over a finite time interval) before it
would have to be absorbed without producing any visible violation of
the conservation of energy.
These virtual particles have a potential problem, however. If one
particle can be exchanged or one virtual particle-antiparticle pair can
spontaneously appear out of the vacuum, then why not two or three
or even an infinite number? Moreover, if virtual particles must disap-
pear in a time that is inversely proportional to the energy they carry,
then what stops particles from popping out of empty space carrying
an arbitrarily large amount of energy and existing for an arbitrarily
small time?
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When physicists tried to take into account these effects, they en-
countered infinite results in their calculations.
The solution? Ignore them.
Actually not ignore them, but systematically sweep the infinite pieces
of calculations under the rug, leaving only finite bits left over. This begs
the questions of how one knows which finite parts to keep, and why the
whole procedure is justified.
The answer took quite a few years to get straight, and Feynman was
one of the group who figured it out. But for many years after, including
up to the time he won the Nobel Prize in 1965, he viewed the whole ef-
fort as a kind of trick and figured that at some point a more fundamental
solution would arise.
Nevertheless, a good reason exists for ignoring the infinities intro-
duced by virtual particles with arbitrarily high energies. Because of the
Heisenberg uncertainty principle, these energetic particles can propa-
gate only over short distances before disappearing. So how can we be
sure that our physical theories, which are designed to explain phenom-
ena at scales we can currently measure, actually operate the same way
at these very small scales? Maybe new physics, new forces, and new el-
ementary particles become relevant at very small scales?
If we had to know all the laws of physics down to infinitesimally
small scales in order to explain phenomena at the much larger scales we
experience, then physics would be hopeless. We would need a theory of
everything before we could ever have a theory of something.
Instead, reasonable physical theories should be ones that are insensi-
tive to any possible new physics occurring at much smaller scales than
the scales that the original theories were developed to describe. We call
these theories renormalizable, since we "renormalize" the otherwise in-
finite predictions, getting rid of the infinities and leaving only finite,
sensible answers.
Saying that this is required is one thing, but proving that it can be
done is something else entirely. This procedure took a long time to get
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straight. In the first concrete example demonstrating that it made sense,
the energy levels of hydrogen atoms were precisely calculated, which
allowed a correct prediction of the spectrum of light emitted and ab-
sorbed by these atoms as measured in the laboratory.
Although Feynman and his Nobel colleagues elucidated the mecha-
nism to mathematically implement this technique of renormalization,
the proof that quantum electrodynamics (QED) was a "renormalizable"
theory, allowing precise predictions of all physical quantities one could
possibly measure in the theory, was completed by Freeman Dyson. His
proof gave QED an unprecedented status in physics. QED provided a
complete theory of the quantum interactions of electrons and light, with
predictions that could be compared with observations to arbitrarily
high orders of precision, limited only by the energy and determination
of the theorists doing the calculations. As a result, we can predict the
spectra of light emitted by atoms to exquisite precision and design laser
systems and atomic clocks that have redefined accuracy in measuring
distance and time. The predictions of QED are so precise that we can
search in experiments for even minuscule departures from them and
probe for possible new physics that might emerge as we explore smaller
and smaller scales of distance and time.
With fifty years of hindsight, we now also understand that quantum
electrodynamics is such a notable physical theory in part because of a
"symmetry" associated with it. Symmetries in physics probe deep char-
acteristics of physical reality. From here on into the foreseeable future,
the search for symmetries is what governs the progress of physics.
Symmetries reflect that a change in the fundamental mathematical
quantities describing the physical world produce no change in the way
the world works or looks. For example, a sphere can be rotated in any
direction by any angle, and it still looks precisely the same. Nothing
about the physics of the sphere depends on its orientation. That the laws
of physics do not change from place to place, or time to time, is of deep
significance. The symmetry of physical law with time—that nothing
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about the laws of physics appears to change with time—results in the
conservation of energy in the physical universe.
In quantum electrodynamics, one fundamental symmetry is in the
nature of electric charges. What we call "positive" and "negative" are
clearly arbitrary. We could change every positive charge in the universe
to negative, and vice versa, and the universe would look and behave pre-
cisely the same.
Imagine, for example, that the world is one giant chessboard, with
black and white squares. Nothing about the game of chess would be
changed if I changed black into white, and white into black. The white
pieces would become black pieces and vice versa, and otherwise the
board would look identical.
Now, precisely because of this symmetry of nature, the electric
charge is conserved: no positive or negative charge can spontaneously
appear in any process, even due to quantum mechanics, without an
equal and opposite charge appearing at the same time. For this rea-
son, virtual particles are only produced spontaneously in empty space
in combination with antiparticles. It is also why lightning storms occur
on Earth. Electric charges build up on Earth's surface because storm
clouds build up large negative charges at their base. The only way to get
rid of this charge is to have large currents flow from the ground upward
into the sky.
The conservation of charge resulting from this symmetry can be un-
derstood using my chessboard analogy. That every white square must be
located next to a black square means that whenever I switch black and
white, the board ultimately looks the same. If I had two black squares
in a row, which would mean the board had some net "blackness," then
"black" and "white" would no longer be equivalent arbitrary labels. Black
would be physically different from white. In short, the symmetry be-
tween black and white on the board would be violated.
Bear with me now, because I am about to introduce a concept that
is much more subtle, but much more important. It's so important that
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essentially all of modern physical theory is based on it. But it's so subtle
that without using mathematics, it is hard to describe. It is so subtle that
its ramifications are still being unraveled today, more than a hundred
years since it was first suggested. So, don't be surprised if it takes one or
two readings to fully get your head around the idea. It has taken physi-
cists much of the past century to get their heads around it.
This symmetry is called gauge symmetry for an obscure historical
reason I shall describe a bit later. But the strange name is irrelevant. It is
what the symmetry implies that is important:
Gauge symmetry in electromagnetism says that I can actually
change my definition of what a positive charge is locally at each
point of space without changing the fundamental laws associated
with electric charge, as long as I also somehow introduce some
quantity that helps keep track of this change of definition from point
to point. This quantity turns out to be the electromagnetic field.
Let's try to parse this using my chessboard analogy. The global sym-
metry I described before changes black to white everywhere, so when
the chessboard is turned by 180 degrees, it looks the same as it did be-
fore and the game of chess is clearly not affected.
Now, imagine instead that I change black to white in one square,
and I don't change white to black in the neighboring square. Then the
board will have two adjacent white squares. This board, with two ad-
jacent white squares, clearly won't look the same as it did before. The
game cannot be played as it was before.
But hold on for a moment. What if I have a guidebook that tells me
what game pieces should do every time they encounter adjacent squares
where one color has been changed but not the next. Then the rules of
the game can remain the same, as long as I consult the guidebook each
time I move. This guidebook therefore allows the game to proceed as if
nothing were changed.
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In mathematics, a quantity that ascribes some rule associated with
each point on a surface like a chessboard is called a function. In physics,
a function defined at every point in our physical space is called a field,
such as, for example, the electromagnetic field, which describes how
strong electric and magnetic forces are at each point in space.
Now here's the kicker. The properties that must characterize the form
of the necessary function (which allows us to change our definition of
electric charge from place to place without changing the underlying phys-
ics governing the interaction of electric charges) are precisely those that
characterize the form of the rules governing electromagnetic fields.
Put another way, the requirement that the laws of nature remain in-
variant under a gauge transformation—namely some transformation
that locally changes what I call positive or negative charge—identically
requires the existence of an electromagnetic field that is governed by
precisely by Maxwell's equations. Gauge invariance, as it is called, com-
pletely determines the nature of electromagnetism.
This presents us with an interesting philosophical question. Which
is more fundamental, the symmetry or the physical equations that man-
ifest the symmetry? In the former case, where this gauge symmetry of
nature requires the existence of photons, light, and all the equations and
phenomena first discovered by Maxwell and Faraday, then God's appar-
ent command "Let there be light" becomes identical with the command
"Let electromagnetism have a gauge symmetry." It is less catchy, per-
haps, but nevertheless true.
Alternatively, one could say that the theory is what it is, and the dis-
covery of a mathematical symmetry in the underlying equations is a
happy accident.
The difference between these two viewpoints seems primarily se-
mantic, which is why it might interest philosophers. But nature does
provide some guidance. If quantum electrodynamics were the only
theory in nature that respected such a symmetry, the latter view might
seem more reasonable.
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But every known theory describing nature at a fundamental scale
reflects some type of gauge symmetry. As a result, physicists now tend
to think of symmetries of nature as fundamental, and the theories that
then describe nature as being restricted in form to respect these sym-
metries, which in turn then reflect some key underlying mathematical
features of the physical universe.
Whatever one might think of regarding this epistemological issue,
what matters in the end to physicists is that the discovery and applica-
tion of this mathematical symmetry, gauge symmetry, has allowed us to
discover more about the nature of reality at its smallest scales than any
other idea in science. As a result, all attempts to go beyond our current
understanding of the four forces of nature, electromagnetism, the two
forces associated with atomic nuclei, the strong and weak forces, which
we shall meet shortly, and gravity—including the attempt to create a
quantum theory of gravity—are built on the mathematical underpin-
nings of gauge symmetry.
•
•
•
That gauge symmetry has such a strange name has little to do with
quantum electrodynamics and is an anachronism, related to a property
of Einstein's General Theory of Relativity, which, like all other funda-
mental theories, also possesses gauge symmetry. Einstein showed that
we are free to choose any local coordinate system we want to describe
the space around us, but the function, or field, that tells us how to con-
nect these coordinate systems from point to point is related to the un-
derlying curvature of space, determined by the energy and momentum
of material in space. The coupling of this field, which we recognize as
the gravitational field, to matter, is precisely determined by the invari-
ance of the geometry of space under the choice of different coordinate
systems.
The mathematician Hermann Weyl was inspired by this symmetry of
General Relativity to suggest that the form of electromagnetism might
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also reflect an underlying symmetry associated with physical changes in
length scales. He called these different "gauges," inspired by the various
track gauges of railroads. (Einstein, and Sheldon on The Big Bang The-
ory, aren't the only physicists who have been inspired by trains.) While
Weyl's guess turned out to be incorrect, the symmetry that does apply
to electromagnetism became known as gauge symmetry.
Whatever the etymology of the name, gauge symmetry has become
the most important symmetry we know of in nature. From a quantum
perspective—in the quantum theory of electromagnetism, quantum
electrodynamics—the existence of gauge symmetry becomes even more
important. It is the essential feature that ensures that QED is sensible.
If you think about the nature of symmetry, then it begins to make
sense that such a symmetry might ensure that quantum electrodynam-
ics makes sense. Symmetries tell us, for example, that different parts
of the natural world are related, and that certain quantities remain the
same under various types of transformations. A square looks the same
when we rotate it ninety degrees because the sides are all the same
length and the angles at each corner are the same. So, symmetry can
tell us that different mathematical quantities that result from physical
calculations, such as the effects of many virtual particles, and many vir-
tual antiparticles, for example, can have the same magnitude. They may
also have opposite signs so that they might cancel exactly. The existence
of this symmetry is what can require such exact cancellations.
In this way, one might imagine that in quantum electrodynamics
the nasty terms that might otherwise give infinite results can cancel
with other potentially nasty terms, and all the nastiness can disappear.
And this is precisely what happens in QED. The gauge symmetry en-
sures that any infinities that might otherwise arise in deriving physical
predictions can be isolated in a few nasty terms that can be shown by
the symmetry to either disappear or to be decoupled from all physically
measurable quantities.
This profoundly important result, proven by decades of work by some
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of the most creative and talented theoretical physicists in the world, es-
tablished QED as the most precise and preeminent quantum theory of
the twentieth century.
Which made it all the more upsetting to discover that, while this
mathematical beauty indeed allowed a sensible understanding of one
of nature's fundamental forces—electromagnetism—other nastiness
began when considering the forces that govern the behavior of atomic
nuclei.
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Chapter 9
DECAY AND RUBBLE
There is no new thing under the sun.
-ECCLESIASTES 1:9
When I first learned that we human beings are radioac-
tive, it shocked me. I was in high school listening to a lecture by the re-
markable polymath and astrophysicist Tommy Gold, who had done
pioneering work in cosmology, pulsars, and lunar science, and he in-
formed us that the particles that made up most of the mass of our bod-
ies, neutrons, are unstable, with a mean lifetime of about ten minutes.
Given, I hope, that you have been reading this book for longer than
ten minutes, this may surprise you too. The resolution of this seeming
paradox is one of the first and most wonderful of the gorgeous accidents
of nature that make our existence possible. As we continue to explore
more deeply the question "Why are we here?," this accident will loom
large on the horizon. While the neutron may seem far removed from
light, which has been the centerpiece of our story thus far, we shall see
that the two are ultimately deeply connected. The decay of neutrons—
responsible for the "beta decay" of unstable nuclei—required physicists
to move beyond their simple and elegant theories of light and open up
new fundamental areas of the universe for investigation.
113
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But I am getting ahead of myself.
In 1929, when Dirac first wrote down his theory of electrons and
radiation, it looked as if it might end up being a theory of almost every-
thing. Aside from electromagnetism, the only other force in town was
gravity, and Einstein had just made great strides in understanding it.
Elementary particles consisted of electrons, photons, and protons, to-
gether comprising all the objects that appeared necessary to understand
atoms, chemistry, life, and the universe.
The discovery of antiparticles upset the applecart somewhat, but
since Dirac's theory had effectively predicted them (even if Dirac him-
self had to catch up with the theory), this was more like a speed bump
on the road to reality than a roadblock or detour.
Then came 1932. Up to that time, scientists had presumed that atoms
were composed entirely of protons and electrons. This posed a bit of a
problem, however, because the masses of atoms didn't quite add up. In
1911 Rutherford discovered the existence of the atomic nucleus, contain-
ing almost all the mass of atoms in a small region one hundred thou-
sand times smaller than the size of the orbits of the electrons. Following
that discovery, it became clear that the mass of heavy nuclei was just a
bit more than twice the mass that could be accounted for if the number
of protons in the nucleus equaled the number of electrons orbiting the
nucleus, ensuring that atoms would be electrically neutral.
The proposed solution to this conundrum was simple. Actually twice
as many protons were in the nucleus as electrons surrounding it, but
just the right number of electrons were trapped inside the nucleus, so
that again the total electric charge of the atom would be equal to zero.
However, quantum mechanics implied that the electrons couldn't be
confined within the nucleus. The argument is a bit technical, but it goes
something like this: If elementary particles have a wavelike character,
then if one is going to confine them to a small distance, the magnitude
of their wavelength must be smaller than the confinement scale. But
the wavelength associated with a particle is, in quantum mechanics,
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inversely proportional to the momentum carried by the particle, and
hence also inversely proportional to the energy carried by the particle.
If electrons were confined to a region the size of an atomic nucleus, the
energy they would need to possess would be about a million times the
energy associated with the characteristic energies released by electrons
as they jump between energy levels in their atomic orbits.
How could they achieve such energies? They couldn't. For, even if
electrons were tightly bound to protons within nuclei by electronic
forces, the binding energy that would be released in this process as they
"fell" into the nucleus would be more than ten times smaller than the
energy needed to confine the quantum mechanical electron wave func-
tion to a region contained within the nucleus.
Here too the numbers just didn't add up.
Physicists at the time were aware of the problem, but lived with it.
I suspect that an agnostic approach was deemed prudent, and physi-
cists were willing to suspend disbelief until they knew more, because
the issues involved the cutting-edge physics of quantum mechanics
and atomic nuclei. Instead of proposing exotic new theories (there were
probably some at the margins that I am not aware of), the community
was eventually driven by experiments to overcome its natural hesitation
to take the logical next step: to assume nature was more complicated
than had thus far been revealed.
In 1930, about the time that Dirac was coming to grips with the pos-
sibility that his antiparticles weren't really protons, a series of experi-
ments provided just the clues that were needed to unravel the nuclear
paradox. The poetry of the discoveries was rivaled only by the drama in
the private lives of the researchers.
Max Planck had helped pioneer the quantum revolution by resolving
the paradox of the spectrum of radiation emitted by atomic systems. So
it was fitting that Planck should indirectly help resolve the paradoxical
makeup of the nucleus. While he didn't himself spearhead the relevant
research, he recognized the talents of a young student of mathemat-
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ics, physics, chemistry, and music at the University of Berlin, Walther
Bothe, and in 1912 Planck accepted him as a doctoral student and men-
tored him throughout the rest of his career.
Bothe was spectacularly lucky to be mentored by Planck and, shortly
thereafter, by Hans Geiger, of Geiger counter fame. Geiger, in my mind,
is one of the most talented experimental physicists to have been over-
looked for a Nobel Prize. Geiger had begun his career by doing the
experiments, with Ernest Marsden, that Ernest Rutherford utilized to
discover the existence of the atomic nucleus. Geiger had just returned
from England, where ■
worked with Rutherford, to direct a new labo-
ratory in Berlin, and one of his first acts was to hire Bothe as an as-
sistant. There Bothe learned to focus on important experiments, using
simple approaches that yielded immediate results.
After an "involuntary vacation" of five years, as a prisoner of war in
Siberia during the First World War, Bothe returned and built a remark-
able collaboration with Geiger, eventually succeeding him as director
of the laboratory. During their time together they pioneered the use of
"coincidence methods" to explore atomic, and eventually nuclear, phys-
ics. Using different detectors located around a target, and using care-
ful timing, they could look for simultaneous events, signaling that the
source had to be a single atomic or nuclear decay.
In 1930 Bothe and his assistant Herbert Becker observed something
completely new and unexpected. While bombarding beryllium nuclei
with products of nuclear decay called alpha particles (already known to
be the nuclei of helium), the two observed the emission of a completely
new form of high-energy radiation. This radiation had two unique fea-
tures. It was more penetrating than the most energetic gamma rays,
but like gamma rays, the radiation was composed of electrically neutral
particles so that it did not ionize atoms as it passed through matter.
News of this surprising discovery made its way to other physics labo-
ratories throughout Europe. Bothe and Becker had initially proposed
that this radiation was some new sort of gamma ray. In Paris, Irene
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Joliot-Curie, the daughter of famed physicist Marie Curie, and Irene's
husband, Frederic, replicated Bothe and Becker's results and explored
the radiation in more detail. In particular, they found that when it bom-
barded a paraffin target, it knocked out protons with incredible energy.
This observation made it clear that the radiation couldn't be a gamma
ray. Why?
The answer is relatively simple. If you throw a piece of popcorn at an
oncoming truck, you are unlikely to stop the truck or even break a win-
dow. That is because the popcorn, even if you throw it with great energy,
carries little momentum because the popcorn is light. To stop a truck
you have to change its momentum by a large amount because, even if it
is moving slowly, it is heavy. To stop a truck or knock a heavy object off
the truck, you have to throw a big rock.
Similarly, to knock out a heavy particle such as a proton from paraf-
fin, a gamma ray, made of massless photons, would have to carry great
energy (so that the momentum carried by the individual photons was
large enough to kick out a heavy proton), and not enough energy was
available, by an order of magnitude at least, in any known nuclear-decay
processes for this.
Surprisingly, the Joliot-Curies (they were modern and both adopted
the same hyphenated last name) were probably loath, like Dirac, to pro-
pose new elementary particles to explain data—since protons, electrons,
and photons were not only familiar, but sufficient up to that time to ex-
plain everything known, including exotic quantum phenomena associ-
ated with atoms. So, Irene and Fr€deric didn't make the now-obvious
proposal that maybe a new neutral massive particle was being produced
in the decays that Bothe and Becker had discovered. Unfortunately, a
similar timidity caused the Joliot-Curies to fail to claim discovery of the
positron—in spite of having actually observed it in their experiments
before Carl Anderson reported his own discovery somewhat later.
It fell to the physicist James Chadwick to push things further. Chad-
wick clearly had a great nose for physics, but his political acumen was
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not so sharp. After graduation from the University of Manchester with
a master's degree in 1913, working with Rutherford, he obtained a fel-
lowship that would allow him to study anywhere. So he went to Berlin
to work with Geiger. He couldn't have picked a better mentor, and he
began to do important studies of radioactive decays. Unfortunately, the
First World War broke out while Chadwick was in Germany, and he
spent the next four years in an internment camp.
Eventually he returned to Cambridge, where Rutherford had since
moved, to complete his PhD under Rutherford's direction. Following this
Chadwick stayed on to work with Rutherford and help direct the Caven-
dish laboratory there. While he was aware of Bothe and Becker's results
and even reproduced them, only when one of his students informed him
of the Joliot-Curies results did Chadwick became convinced, using the
energy argument I mentioned above, that the radiation that had been
observed had to result from a new neutral particle—of mass comparable
to that of the proton—that might reside in atomic nuclei, an idea he and
Rutherford had been germinating for years.
Chadwick reproduced and extended the Joliot-Curies' experiments,
bombarding targets other than paraffin to explore the outgoing protons.
He confirmed not only that the energetics of the collisions made it im-
possible for the source to be gamma rays, but also that the interaction
strength of the new particles with nuclei was far greater than would be
predicted for gamma rays.
Chadwick didn't dawdle. Within two weeks of beginning his experi-
ments in 1932, he sent a letter to Nature entitled "Possible Existence of
a Neutron" and followed this up with a more detailed article sent to the
Royal Society. The neutron, which we now know makes up most of the
mass of heavier nuclei, and thus most of the mass in our bodies, had
been discovered.
For his discovery he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics three
years later, in 1935. In a kind of poetic justice, three of the people whose
experiments had made Chadwick's results possible—but who missed
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out on identifying the neutron—were awarded Nobel Prizes for other
work. Bothe won the Nobel Prize in 1954 for his work on using coinci-
dences between observed events in different detectors to explore the de-
tailed nature of nuclear and atomic phenomena. Both Irene and Frederic
Joliot-Curie, who barely missed out on two other Nobel Prize—winning
discoveries, won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 193s for their discov-
ery of artificial radioactivity—which was later an essential ingredient in
the development of both nuclear power and nuclear weapons. Interest-
ingly, only after winning the Nobel Prize was Irene awarded a profes-
sorship in France. With the two Nobel Prizes for her mother, Marie, the
Curie family garnered a total of five Nobel Prizes, the most that have
ever been received by a single family.
After his discovery Chadwick set out to measure the mass of the
neutron. His first estimate, in 1933, suggested a mass of slightly less than
the sum of the masses of a proton and an electron. This reinforced the
idea that perhaps the neutron was a bound state of these two particles,
and the mass difference, using Einstein's relation E = mca, was due to the
energy lost in binding them together. However, after several conflicting
measurements by other groups, further analysis a year later by Chad-
wick using a nuclear reaction induced by gamma rays—which allowed
all energies to be measured with great precision—definitely indicated
that the neutron was heavier than the sum of the proton and electron
masses, even if barely so, with the mass difference being less than 0.1
percent.
It is said that `close only matters when tossing horseshoes or hand
grenades, but the closeness in mass between the proton and the neutron
matters a great deal. It is one of the key reasons we exist today.
Henri Becquerel discovered radioactivity in uranium in 1896, and
only three years later Ernest Rutherford discerned that radioactivity oc-
curred in two different types, which he labeled alpha and beta rays. A
year later gamma rays were discovered, and Rutherford confirmed them
as a new form of radiation in 1903, when he gave them their name. Bec-
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querel determined in 1900 that the "rays" in beta decay were actually
electrons, which we now know arise from the decay of the neutron.
In beta decay a neutron splits into a proton and an electron, which,
as I describe below, would not be possible if the neutron weren't slightly
heavier than protons. What is surprising about this neutron decay is not
that it occurs, but that it takes so long. Normally the decay of unstable
elementary particles occurs in millionths or billionths of a second. Iso-
lated neutrons live, on average, more than ten minutes.
One of the chief reasons that neutrons live so long is that the mass of
the neutron is only slightly more than the sum of the masses of a proton
plus an electron. Thus, there is only barely enough energy available, via
the neutron's rest mass, to allow it to decay into these particles and still
conserve energy. (The other reason is that a neutron doesn't decay into
only a proton plus an electron. It decays into three particles ... stay tuned!)
While ten minutes may be an eternity on atomic timescales, it is
pretty short compared to a human life or the lifetime of atoms on Earth.
Returning to the puzzle I mentioned at the beginning of this chapter,
what gives? How can we be largely made up of neutrons if they decay
before the first commercial break in a thirty-minute TV show?
The answer again lies in the extreme closeness of the neutron and
proton masses. A free neutron decays in ten minutes or so. But consider
a neutron bound inside an atomic nucleus. Being bound means that it
takes energy to kick it out of the nucleus. But that means that it loses
energy when it gets bound to the nucleus in the first place. But, Einstein
told us that the total energy of a massive particle is proportional to its
mass, via E = me. That means that, if the neutron loses energy when it
gets bound in a nucleus, its mass gets smaller. But since its mass when it
is isolated is just a smidgen more than the sum of the masses of a proton
and an electron, when it loses mass, it no longer has sufficient energy to
decay into a proton and an electron. If it were to decay into a proton, it
would have to either release enough energy to also eject the proton from
the nucleus, which, given standard nuclear-binding energies, it would
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not have, or else release enough energy to allow the new proton to re-
main in a new stable nucleus. Since the new nucleus would be that of a
different element, adding one additional positive charge to the nucleus
also generally requires more energy than the minute amount available
when a neutron decays. As a result, the neutron and most atomic nuclei
containing neutrons remain stable.
The entire stability of the nuclei that make up everything we see, in-
cluding most of the atoms in our body, is an accidental consequence of
the fact that the neutron and proton differ in mass by only o.i percent,
so that a small shift in the mass of the former, when embedded in nuclei,
means it can no longer decay into the latter. That is what I learned from
Tommy Gold.
It still amazes me when I think about it. The existence of complex
matter, the periodic table, everything we see, from distant stars to the
keyboard I am typing this on—hinges on such a remarkable coinci-
dence. Why? Is it an accident, or do the laws of physics require it for
some unknown reason? Questions such as these drive us physicists to
search deeper for possible answers.
The discovery of the neutron, and the subsequent observation of its
decay, introduced more than one new particle into the subatomic zoo.
It suggested that perhaps two of the most fundamental properties of
nature—the conservation of energy and the conservation of momen-
tum—might break down on the microscopic-distance scales of nuclei.
Almost twenty years before discovering the neutron, James Chadwick
had observed something strange about beta rays, well before he or anyone
else knew that they originated from decaying neutrons. The spectrum
of energy carried by electrons emitted in neutron decay is continuous,
going from essentially zero energy up to a maximum energy, which de-
pends on the energy available after the neutron has decayed—for a free
neutron this maximum energy is the energy difference between the mass
of the neutron and the sum of the masses of the proton and electron.
There is a problem with this, however. It is easiest to see the problem
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if we imagine for the moment that the proton and the electron have
equal masses. Then, if the proton carries off more energy than the elec-
tron after the decay, it would be moving faster than the electron. But if
they have the same mass, then the proton would also have more mo-
mentum than the electron. But if the neutron decays at rest, then its
momentum before the decay would be zero, so the momentum of the
outgoing proton would have to cancel that of the outgoing electron. But
that is impossible unless they have equal momenta, going in opposite
directions. So the magnitude of the proton's momentum could never be
greater than that of the electron. In short, there is only one value for the
energy and the momentum of the two particles after the decay if they
have equal masses.
The same reasoning, though mathematically a bit more involved,
applies even if the proton and electron have different masses. If they
are the only two particles produced in the decay of the neutron, their
speeds, and hence their energy and momenta, would be required to each
have unique, fixed values that depend on the ratio of their respective
masses.
As a result, if electrons from beta decay of neutrons come off with a
range of different energies, this would violate the conservation of energy
and momentum. But, as I subtly suggested above, this is only true if the
electron and proton are the only particles produced as products of the
neutron decay.
Again, in 1930, only a few years before the discovery of the neutron,
the remarkable Austrian theoretical physicist Wolfgang Pauli wrote a
letter to colleagues at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, begin-
ning with the immortal header "Dear radioactive ladies and gentlemen,"
in which he outlined a proposal to resolve this problem, which he also
said he didn't "feel secure enough to publish anything about! He pro-
posed that a new electrically neutral elementary particle existed, which
he called a neutron, and that in addition to the electron and the proton
this new neutral particle was produced in beta decay so that the elec-
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tron, proton, and this particle together could share the energy available
in the decay, allowing a continuous spectrum.
Pauli, who later won the Nobel Prize for his "exclusion principle" in
quantum mechanics, was no fool. In fact, he had no patience for fools.
He was famous for supposedly rushing up to the blackboard during lec-
tures and removing the chalk from the speaker's hand if he felt nonsense
was being spouted. He could be scathingly critical of theories he didn't
like, and his worst criticism was reserved for any idea that was so vague,
as he put it, "it isn't even wrong." (A dear old colleague of mine when I
taught at Yale, the distinguished mathematical physicist Feza Gursey,
once responded to a reporter who asked what was the significance of
an announcement of some overhyped idea proposed by some scientists
seeking publicity by saying, "It means Pauli must be dead.")
Pauli realized that proposing a new elementary particle that hadn't
been observed was speculative in the extreme, and he argued in his
letter that such a particle was unlikely both because it had never been
seen and would therefore have to interact weakly with matter, and also
because it would have to be very light to be produced along with an
electron, given that the energies available in beta decay were so small
compared to the proton's mass.
The first problem that arose with his idea was the name he chose.
After Chadwick's 1932 experimental discovery of the particle we now
call the neutron, appropriate for a neutral cousin of the proton with
comparable mass, Pauli's hypothesized particle needed another name.
The brilliant Italian physicist and colleague of Pauli's—Enrico Fermi—
came up with a solution in 1934, changing its name to neutrino, an Ital-
ian pun for "little neutron."
It would take twenty-six years for Pauli's neutrino to be discovered,
enough time for the little particle, and its heavier cousin, the neutron, to
force physicists to totally revamp their views on the forces that govern
the cosmos, the nature of light, and even the nature of empty space.
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Chapter 10
FROM HERE TO INFINITY:
SHEDDING LIGHT ON THE SUN
I have fought a good fight, I have finished my
course, I have kept the faith.
-2 TIMOTHY 4:7
The physicist Enrico Fermi is largely unsung in the public's
eyes, but he remains one of the greatest twentieth-century physicists.
He, together with Richard Feynman, more than any of the other remark-
able figures from that equally remarkable period in physics, most influ-
enced my own attitude and approach to the field, as well as my own
understanding of it. I only wish I were as talented as either of them.
Born in 1901, Fermi died at the age of fifty-three of cancer, perhaps
brought on by his work on radioactivity. In 1954, when he died, he was
nine years younger than I am as I write this. But in his short life he pushed
forward the frontiers of both experimental and theoretical physics in a
way that no one has since repeated, and no one is ever likely to do again.
The complexity of the array of theoretical tools now used to develop phys-
ical models, and the complexity of machinery now used to test them, are
separately too sophisticated to allow any single individual today, no mat-
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ter how talented, to remain on the vanguard of both endeavors at the level
Fermi achieved in his time.
In 1918, when Fermi graduated from high school in Rome, the possi-
bilities open to a brilliant young scientific mind were far less constrained.
Quantum mechanics had just been born, new ideas were everywhere,
and the rigorous mathematics necessary to deal with these ideas had not
yet been developed or applied. Experimental physics had yet to enter the
domain of "big science"; experiments could be performed by individual
researchers in makeshift laboratories, and they could be completed in
weeks instead of months.
Fermi applied to the prestigious Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa,
which required an essay as part of the entrance exam. The theme that
year was "specific characteristics of sounds." Fermi submitted an "essay"
that included solving partial differential equations for a vibrating rod
and applying a technique called Fourier analysis. Even today, these
mathematical techniques are not normally encountered until maybe
the third year of an undergraduate degree, and for some students not
until graduate school. But as a seventeen-year-old, Fermi sufficiently im-
pressed the examiners to receive first place in the exam.
At the university, Fermi first majored in mathematics but switched
to physics and largely taught himself General Relativity—which Einstein
had only developed a few years earlier—as well as quantum mechan-
ics and atomic physics, which were then emerging fields of research.
Within three years of arriving at the university he published theoretical
papers in major physics journals on subjects from General Relativity to
electromagnetism. At the age of twenty-one, four years after beginning
his university studies, he received his doctoral degree for a thesis ex-
ploring the applications of probability to X-ray diffraction. At the time
a thesis on purely theoretical issues was not acceptable for a physics
doctorate in Italy, so this encouraged Fermi to ensure his competence
in the laboratory as well as with pen and paper.
Fermi moved to Germany, the center of the emerging research on
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quantum mechanics, and then to Leiden, Holland, where he met with
the most famous physicists of the day—Born, Heisenberg, Pauli, Lo-
rentz, and Einstein, to name a few—before returning to Italy to teach.
In 192s, Wolfgang Pauli proposed the `exclusion principle," which dis-
closed that two electrons could not occupy exactly the same quantum
state at the same time and place, and which laid the basis of all of atomic
physics. Within a year, Fermi applied this idea to systems of many such
identical particles that, like electrons, have two possible values of spin,
angular momentum, which we call spin up, and spin down. He thus
established the modern form of the field called statistical mechanics,
which is at the basis of almost all materials science, semiconductors,
and those areas of physics that led to the creation of modern electronic
components such as computers.
As I earlier emphasized, there is no intuitive way to picture a point
particle as spinning around some axis. It is simply one of the ways that
quantum mechanics evades our notions of common sense. Electrons are
called spin 34 particles because the magnitude of their spin angular mo-
mentum turns out to be half as big as the lowest value of angular momen-
tum associated with the orbital motion of electrons in atoms. Any spin 1/2
particle such as an electron is called a fermion, named in Fermi's honor.
At the tender age of twenty-six Fermi was elected to a new chair in
theoretical physics at the University of Rome and thereafter led a vi-
brant group of students, including several subsequent Nobel laureates,
as they explored atomic and then nuclear physics.
In 1933, Fermi was motivated by another proposal of Pauli's, that for
the new particle produced in the decay of neutrons, which Fermi labeled
a neutrino. But naming the new particle was just an aside. Fermi had
much bigger fish to fry, and he produced a theory for neutron decay
that revealed the possible existence of a new fundamental force in na-
ture, the first new force known to science beyond electromagnetism and
gravity—which was in its own way inspired by thinking about light. Al-
though it wasn't obvious at the time, this was to be the first of two new
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forces associated with atomic nuclei, which together with electromag-
netism and gravity, comprise all the forces known to operate in nature,
from the smallest subatomic scales to the motion of galaxies.
When Fermi submitted his proposal to the journal Nature, the edi-
tor turned it down because it was "too remote from physical reality to
be of interest to readers." For many of us who have since had papers
rejected by equally high-handed editors at that journal, it is comfort-
ing to know that Fermi's paper, one of the most important proposals in
twentieth-century physics, also didn't make the cut.
This inappropriate rejection was undoubtedly frustrating to Fermi,
but it did have a useful side effect. Fermi decided instead to return to
experimental physics, and in short order he began to experiment with
the neutrons discovered by Chadwick two years earlier. Within several
months Fermi had developed a powerful radioactive source of neutrons
and found that he was able to induce radioactive decays in otherwise
stable atoms by bombarding them with neutrons. Bombarding ura-
nium and thorium with neutrons, he also witnessed nuclear decays and
thought he had created new elements. In fact, he had actually caused
the nuclei to split, or fission, into lighter nuclei, which were later found
to also emit more neutrons than they absorbed in the process—as other
scientists discovered in 1939.
Fermi's segue into experiment turned out to be good for him. Four
years later, in 1938, at the age of thirty-seven, he was awarded the Nobel
Prize for introducing artificial radioactivity, creating new radioactive
elements by neutron bombardment. Yet by 1938 the Nazis had begun
to establish their racial laws in Germany, and Italy had followed suit, so
Fermi's Jewish wife, Laura, was endangered. So, after receiving the prize
in Stockholm, Fermi and his family didn't return to Italy but moved to
New York City, where he accepted a position at Columbia.
When Fermi learned the news about nuclear fission in 1939 in New York,
following a lecture by Niels Bohr at Princeton, Fermi amended his earlier
Nobel acceptance speech to clarify his earlier error and in short order re-
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produced the German results. Before long, he and his collaborators realized
that this produced the possibility of a chain reaction. Neutrons could bom-
bard uranium, causing it to fission and release energy, and to release more
neutrons that could bombard more uranium atoms and so on.
Soon after, Fermi gave a lecture to the US Navy warning of the po-
tential significance of this result, but few took him seriously. Later that
year, Einstein's famous letter made its way to President Roosevelt and
changed the course of history.
Fermi had recognized the potential dangers inherent in releasing the
energy of the atomic nucleus even earlier. A year after getting his doctor-
ate, in 1923, he wrote the appendix for a book on relativity and talked of
the potential of E = me, writing at the time, "It does not seem possible, at
least in the near future, to find a way to release these dreadful amounts of
energy—which is all to the good because the first effect of an explosion of
such a dreadful amount of energy would be to smash into smithereens the
physicist who had the misfortune to find a way to do it."
That idea must have been on his mind in 1941 when, as part of the
newly established Manhattan Project, Fermi was assigned the task of
creating a controlled chain reaction—namely creating a nuclear reactor.
While those in charge were understandably worried about doing this in
an urban area, Fermi was confident enough to convince the leader of the
project to allow him to build it at the University of Chicago. On Decem-
ber z, 1942, the reactor went critical, and Chicago survived.
Two and a half years later, Fermi was on hand in New Mexico to
observe the first nuclear explosion, the Trinity test. Typical of Fermi,
while the others stood in awe and horror, he conducted an impromptu
experiment to estimate the bomb's strength by dropping several strips
of paper when the blast wave came by, to see how far they were carried.
Fermi's constant experimental approach to physics is one of the rea-
sons I cherish his memory. He always found a simple, easy way to reach
the correct answer. Even though he had great mathematical skill, he dis-
liked complication, and he realized that he could get an approximate
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answer that was "good enough" in a short time, while getting the exact
answer might take months or years. He refined his abilities and helped
his students do so by inventing what we now call Fermi Problems, which
he is also said to have assigned at lunchtime each day to the team working
for him. My favorite problem, which I always assign to my introductory-
physics students, is `How many piano tuners are there in Chicago? Try
it. If you get between one hundred and five hundred, you did well.
Fermi won the Nobel Prize for his experimental work, but his theo-
retical legacy for physics may be far greater. True to form, the `theory"
he proposed in his famously rejected paper on neutron decay was re-
markably simple, yet it did the job. It wasn't a full theory at all, and at
the time it would have been premature to develop one. Instead he made
the simplest possible assumption. He imagined some new kind of inter-
action between particles that took place at a single point. The four par-
ticles were a neutron, a proton, an electron, and the new particle Pauli
and Fermi named the neutrino.
The starting point of Fermi's thinking involved light, as did almost all of
modern physics, and in this case the modern quantum theory of light inter-
acting with matter. Recall that Feynman developed a pictorial framework
to think about fundamental processes in space and time, when he argued
that antimatter should exist. The space-time picture of an electron emitting
a photon is reproduced here, but with the electron replaced by a proton, p:
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Fermi imagined the decay of a neutron in a similar fashion, but in-
stead of the neutron emitting a photon and remaining the same particle,
the neutron, n, would emit a pair of particles—an electron, e, and a neu-
trino, v, and would be converted into a proton, p:
In electromagnetism the strength of the interaction between charged
particles and photons (determining the probability of emitting a photon
at the point shown in the first figure on the previous page) is proportional
to the charge of the particle. Since the charge is what allows particles to
interact, or "couple" to the electromagnetic field, we call the magnitude
of the fundamental quantum of charge—the charge on a single electron
or proton—the "coupling constant" of electromagnetism.
In Fermi's interaction the numerical quantity that appears at the in-
teraction point in the figure where a neutron converts into a proton de-
termines the probability of such a conversion. The value of this quantity
is determined by experiment, and we now call it the Fermi constant.
Relative to electromagnetism, the numerical value of this quantity is
small because the neutron takes a long time to decay—compared, for
example, to the rate at which electromagnetic transitions take place in
atoms. As a result, Fermi's interaction, describing a new force in nature,
became known as the weak interaction.
One of the things that made Fermi's proposal so remarkable was
that it was the first time in physics that anyone had proposed that par-
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ticks other than photons could be spontaneously created in the quan-
tum world. (In this case the electron and the neutrino are created at the
same time as the neutron converts into a proton.) This both inspired
and became the prototype for much of the subsequent exploration of
the quantum character of the fundamental forces in nature.
Moreover, it didn't just make postdictions about nature. It made
predictions precisely because a single mathematical form for the inter-
action that caused neutron decay could also predict a host of other phe-
nomena, which were later observed.
Even more important, this interaction, with precisely the same
strength, governs similar decays of other particles in nature. For example,
in 2936 Carl Anderson, the discoverer of the positron, discovered another
new particle in cosmic rays—the first of what would be so many that par-
ticle physicists would wonder whether the progression would ever end.
When informed of this discovery, the atomic physicist and later Nobel
laureate I. I. Rabi is said to have exclaimed, "Who ordered that?"
We now know that this particle, called the muon and characterized
by the Greek letter µ, is essentially an exact copy of the electron, only
about two hundred times heavier. Because it is heavier, it can decay,
emitting an electron and a neutrino in an interaction that looks identi-
cal to neutron decay, except the muon converts into another type of
neutrino (called the muon neutrino) instead of a proton. Remarkably, if
we use the same Fermi constant for the strength of this interaction, we
derive exactly the right lifetime for the muon.
Clearly a new fundamental force is at work here, universal in nature,
with some similarities to electromagnetism, and some important differ-
ences. First, the interaction is much weaker. Second, unlike electromag-
netism, the interaction appears to operate over only a small range—in
Fermi's model at a single point. Neutrons don't turn into protons in
one place and cause electrons to turn into neutrinos somewhere else,
whereas the interaction between electrons and photons allows electrons
to exchange virtual photons and be repelled by each other even at a
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great distance. Third, the interaction changes one type of particle into
another. Electromagnetism involves the creation and absorption of pho-
tons—the quanta of light—but the charged particles that interact with
them preserve their identity before and after the interaction. Gravity
too is long-range, and when a ball falls toward the Earth, it remains a
ball. But the weak interaction causes neutrons to decay into protons,
muons into neutrinos, and so on.
Clearly something about the weak interaction is different, but you may
wonder if it is worth worrying about. Neutron decay is interesting, but hap-
pily the properties of nuclei protect us from it so that stable atoms can exist.
Thus it seems to have little impact on everyday lives. Unlike gravity and
electromagnetism, we don't sense it. If the weak interaction were of little
other importance, then its anomalous nature could be easily overlooked.
However, the weak interaction, at least as much as gravity and elec-
tromagnetism, is directly responsible for our existence. In 1939, Hans
Bethe, who would soon help lead the effort to build the atomic bomb, re-
alized that the interactions that broke apart heavy nuclei as the source of
the explosive power of the bomb could, under different circumstances,
be utilized to build larger nuclei from smaller nuclei. This could release
even more energy than was released in the A-bomb.
Up until that time the energy source of the Sun was a mystery. It
was well established that the temperature in the solar core could not
exceed a few tens of millions of degrees—which may seem extreme, but
the energies available to the colliding nuclei at those temperatures had
already been achieved in the lab. Moreover, the Sun could not involve
simple burning, like a candle.
It had been established as early as the eighteenth century that an
object with the mass of the Sun could only burn with its observed
brightness for perhaps ten thousand years if it were just something like
a burning lump of coal. While that meshed nicely with Bishop Ussher's
estimates for the age of the universe as inferred from the Bible's tale of
creation, geologists and biologists had already established by the mid-
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nineteenth century that Earth itself was far older. With no apparent new
energy source, the longevity and brightness of the Sun was inexplicable.
Enter Hans Bethe. Another of the incredibly talented and prolific
theoretical physicists coming out of Germany in the first half of the
twentieth century, Bethe was also another doctoral student of Arnold
Sommerfeld's and also went on to win the Nobel Prize. Bethe began his
career in chemistry because the introductory physics instruction at his
university was poor—a common problem. (I also dropped physics in my
first year for the same reason, but happily the physics department at my
university let me take a more advanced course the following year.) Bethe
switched to physics before moving on to graduate studies and emigrated
to the United States to escape the Nazis.
A consummate physicist, Bethe could work through detailed calcula-
tions to solve a wide variety of problems on the blackboard, beginning
at the upper left of the board and ending at the lower right with almost
no ensures. Bethe strongly influenced Richard Feynman, who used to
marvel at Bethe's patient methodological approach to problems. Feyn-
man himself often jumped from the beginning of a problem to the end
and worked out the steps in between afterward. Bethe's solid technical
prowess and Feynman's brilliant insights combined well when they both
worked at Los Alamos on the atomic bomb. They would go down the
hallway with Feynman loudly countering the patient but persistent Bethe,
and their colleagues labeled them "the Battleship and the Torpedo Boat."
Bethe was legendary when I was a young physicist because even into
his nineties he was still writing important physics articles. He was also
happy to talk to anyone about physics. When I gave a visiting lecture at
Cornell—where Bethe spent most of his professional career—I felt im-
mensely honored when he walked into my office to ask me questions and
then listened intently to me, as if I actually had something to offer him.
He was also physically robust. A physicist friend of mine told me of a time
he too visited CornelL One weekend he decided to be ambitious and climb
one of the many steep hiking trails near the campus. He was proud of himself
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for huffing and puffing his way almost to the top until he spied Bethe, then
in his late eighties, happily making his way down the trail from the summit
While I always liked and admired Bethe, in researching material for this
book I found two additional happy personal connections that were satis-
fying enough for me to relate them here. First, I found out that I am in a
sense his intellectual grandson, as my undergraduate physics honors the-
sis adviser, M. K. Sundaresan, was one of his doctoral students. Second,
I discovered that Bethe, who had little patience for grand claims made of
fundamental results that were carried out without any real motivation or
evidence, once wrote a hoax paper while a postdoc poking fun at a paper he
deemed ridiculous by the famous physicist Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington.
Eddington claimed to "derive" a fundamental constant of electromagne-
tism using some fundamental principles, but Bethe correctly viewed the
claim as nothing other than misguided numerology. Learning this made
me feel better about a hoax paper I wrote when I was an assistant profes-
sor at Yale, responding to what I thought was an inappropriate paper, pub-
lished in a distinguished physics journal, that claimed to discover a new
force in nature (which indeed later turned out to be false). At the time that
Bethe wrote his paper, the physics world took itself a little more seriously,
and Bethe and his colleagues were forced to issue an apology. By the time I
wrote mine, the only negative reaction I got was from my department chair,
who was worried that the Physical Review might actually publish my article.
When he was in his early thirties, Bethe had already established
himself as a master physicist with his name attached to a host of re-
sults, from the Bethe formula, describing the passage of charged par-
ticles through matter, to the Bethe ansatz, a method to obtain exact
solutions for certain quantum problems in many-body physics. A series
of reviews he cowrote on the state of the nascent field of nuclear phys-
ics in 1936 remained authoritative for some time and became known as
Bethe's Bible. (Unlike the conventional Bible, it made testable predic-
tions, and it was eventually replaced as scientific progress was made.)
In 1938, Bethe was induced to attend a conference on "stellar energy
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generation: though at that time astrophysics was not his chief interest By
the end of the meeting, he had worked out the nuclear processes by which
four individual protons (the nuclei of hydrogen atoms) eventually "fuse"—as
a result of Fermi's weak interaction—to form the nucleus of helium, con-
taining two protons and two neutrons. This fusion releases about a million
times more energy per atom than is released when coal burns. This allows
the Sun to last a million times longer than previous estimates would have
permitted, or about io billion years instead of ten thousand years. Bethe
later showed that other nuclear reactions help power the Sun, including a
set that converts carbon to nitrogen and oxygen—the so-called CNO cycle.
The secret of the Sun—the ultimate birth of light in our solar system—
had been unveiled. Bethe won the Nobel Prize in 1967, and almost forty
years after that, experiments on neutrinos coming from the Sun confirmed
Bethe's predictions. Neutrinos were the key experimental observable that
allowed such confirmation. This is because the whole chain begins with a
reaction in which two protons collide, and via the weak interaction one of
them converts into a neutron, allowing the two to fuse into the nucleus of
heavy hydrogen, called deuterium, and release a neutrino and a positron.
The positron later interacts in the Sun, but neutrinos, which interact only
via the weak interaction, travel right out of the Sun, to Earth and beyond.
Every second of every day, more than 400,000 billion of these neutri-
nos are passing through your body. Their interaction strength is so weak
that they could traverse on average through ten thousand light-years of solid
lead before interacting, so most of them travel right through you, and Earth,
without anyone's noticing. But if not for the weak interaction, they would not
be produced, the Sun wouldn't shine, and none of us would be here to care.
So the weak interaction, although extremely weak, nevertheless is
largely responsible for our existence. Which is one of the reasons why,
when the Fermi interaction, developed to characterize it, and the neu-
trinos first predicted by it, turned out to both defy common sense, phys-
icists had to stand up and take notice. And they were driven to change
our notions of reality itself.
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Chapter 11
DESPERATE TIMES
AND DESPERATE MEASURES
To every thing there is a season, and a time for
every purpose.
-ECCLESIASTES 3:1
The rapid succession of events during the 1930s, from the
discovery of the neutron to probing the nature of neutron decay, as well
as the discovery of the neutrino and the consequent discovery of a new
and universal short-range weak force in nature, left physicists more con-
fused than inspired. The brilliant march that had led to the unification
of electricity and magnetism, and the unification of quantum mechanics
and relativity, had been built on exploring the nature of light. Yet it
wasn't clear how the elegant theoretical edifice of quantum electrody-
namics could guide considerations of a new force. The weak interaction
is far removed from direct human experience and involves new and ex-
otic elementary particles and nuclear transmutations reminiscent of al-
chemy but, unlike alchemy, testable and reproducible.
The fundamental confusion lay with the nature of the atomic nu-
cleus itself and the question of what held it together. The discovery of
the neutron helped resolve the paradox that had earlier seemed to re-
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quire electrons to be confined in the nucleus to counter the charge of
additional protons necessary to produce correct nuclear masses, but the
observation of beta decay—which resulted in electrons emerging from
nuclei—didn't help matters.
The realization that in beta decay neutrons became protons in the
nucleus clarified matters, but then another question naturally arose:
Could this transformation somehow explain the strong binding that
held protons and neutrons together inside nuclei?
In spite of the obvious differences between the weak forces and quan-
tum theory of electromagnetism, QED, the remarkable success of QED
in describing the behavior of atoms and the interactions of electrons
with light colored physicists' thinking about the new weak force as well.
The mathematical symmetries associated with QED worked beautifully
to ensure that otherwise worrisome infinities in the calculations arising
from the exchange of virtual particles vanished when making predic-
tions of physical quantities. Would something similar work to under-
stand the force binding protons and neutrons in nuclei?
Specifically, if the electromagnetic force was due to the exchange of par-
ticles, then it was reasonable to think that the force that held together the
nucleus might also be due to the exchange of particles. Werner Heisenberg
proposed this idea in 1932 around the time the neutron was discovered. If
neutrons and protons could convert into each other, with the proton ab-
sorbing an electron to become a neutron, then maybe the exchange of elec-
trons between them might somehow produce a binding force?
A number of well-known problems marred this picture, however.
First was the problem of "spin." If one assumed, as Heisenberg did, that
the neutron was essentially made up of a proton and an electron bound
together, and since both were spin 1/2 particles, then adding them to-
gether in the neutron, it couldn't have spin 1/2 as well, since 1/2 + 1/2 can't
equal 1/2. Heisenberg argued, in desperation, because those were des-
perate times when it seemed all the conventional rules were breaking
down, that the "electron" that was transferred between neutrons and
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protons, and which bound them together in the nucleus, was somehow
different from a free electron and had no spin at all.
In retrospect, this picture has another problem. Heisenberg was mo-
tivated to consider electrons binding together neutrons and protons
because he was thinking about hydrogen molecules. In hydrogen, two
protons are bound together by sharing electrons that orbit them. The
problem with using a similar explanation for nuclear binding is one of
scale. How could neutrons and protons exchange electrons and be bound
together so tightly that their average distance apart is more than one
hundred thousand times smaller than the size of hydrogen molecules?
Here is another way of thinking about this problem that will be use-
ful to return to later. Recall that electromagnetism is a long-range force.
'IWo electrons on opposite sides of the galaxy experience a repulsion—
albeit extremely small—due to the exchange of virtual photons. The
quantum theory of electromagnetism makes this possible. Photons
are massless, and virtual photons can travel arbitrarily far, carrying
arbitrarily small amounts of energy, before they are absorbed again—
without violating the Heisenberg uncertainty principle. If the photons
were massive, then this would not be possible.
Now if a force between neutrons and protons in nuclei arose due
to the absorption and emission of virtual electrons, say, then the force
would be short-range because the electrons are massive. How short-
range? Well, it works out to be about one hundred times the size of
typical nuclei. So, exchanging electrons doesn't work to produce nuclear-
scale forces. As I say, those were desperate times.
Heisenberg's desperate idea about a strange spinless version of the
electron was not lost on a young Japanese physicist, the shy twenty-
eight-year-old Hideki Yukawa. Working in 1935 when Japan was just
beginning to emerge from centuries of isolation, and just before its im-
perial designs ignited the war in the Pacific, Yukawa published the first
original work in physics to be published by a physicist educated entirely
in Japan. No one took notice of the paper for at least two years, yet four-
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teen years later he won the Nobel Prize for this work, which had by then
become noticed, but for the wrong reasons.
Einstein's visit to Japan in 1922 had cemented Yukawa's growing in-
terest in physics. When Yukawa was still in high school and searching
for material to help him pass examinations in a second foreign language,
he found Max Planck's Introduction to Theoretical Physics in German.
He rejoiced in reading both the German and the physics and was aided
by his classmate Sin-Itiro Tomonaga, a talented physicist who was his
colleague both in high school and later at Kyoto University. Tomonaga
was so talented that he would later share the 1965 Nobel Prize with
Richard Feynman and Julian Schwinger for demonstrating the math-
ematical consistency of quantum electrodynamics.
That Yukawa, who had been a student in Japan at a time when many
of his instructors did not yet fully understand the emerging field of
quantum mechanics, came upon a possible solution to the nuclear-force
problem that had been overlooked by Heisenberg, Pauli, and even Fermi
was remarkable. I suspect that part of the problem was a phenomenon
that has occurred several times in the twentieth century and perhaps
before, and perhaps after. When the paradoxes and complexities asso-
ciated with some physical process begin to seem overwhelming, it is
tempting to assume that some new revolution, similar to relativity or
quantum mechanics, will require such a dramatic shift in thinking that
it doesn't make sense to push forward with existing techniques.
Fermi, unlike Heisenberg or Pauli, was not looking for a wholesale
revolution. He was willing to propose, as he called it, a "tentative theory"
of neutron decay that got rid of electrons in the nucleus by allowing
them to be spontaneously created during beta decay. He proposed a
model that worked, which he knew was just a model and not a complete
theory, but it did allow one to do calculations and make predictions.
That was the essence of Fermi's practical style.
Yukawa had followed these developments, translated Heisenberg's
paper on nuclei along with an introduction, and published it in Japan, so
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the problems of Heisenberg's proposal were already clear to him. Then
in 1934 Yukawa read Fermi's theory of neutron decay, which catalyzed a
new idea in Yukawa's mind. Perhaps the nuclear force binding protons
and neutrons was due not to the exchange of virtual electrons between
them, but to the exchange of both the electron and the neutrino that
were created when neutrons changed to protons.
Another problem immediately arose, however. Neutron decay is a
result of what would become known as the weak interaction, and the
force responsible for it is weak. Plugging in values for the possible force
that might result between protons and neutrons by the exchange of an
electron-neutrino pair made it clear that this force would be far too
weak to bind them.
Yukawa then allowed himself to do what none of the others had
done. He questioned why the nuclear force, if it, like QED, results from
the exchange of virtual particles, had to be due to the exchange of one or
more of the particles already known or assumed to exist. Remembering
how loath physicists such as Dirac and Pauli had been to propose new
particles, even when they were correct, you can perhaps appreciate how
radical Yukawa's idea was. As Yukawa later described it:
At this period the atomic nucleus was inconsistency itself, quite
inexplicable. And why?—because our concept of elementary
particle was too narrow. There was no such word in Japanese and
we used the English word—it meant proton and electron. From
somewhere had come a divine message forbidding us to think
about any other particle. To think outside of these limits (except
for the photon) was to be arrogant, not to fear the wrath of the
gods. It was because the concept that matter continues forever
had been a tradition since the times of Democritus and Epicurus.
To think about creation of particles other than photons was
suspect, and there was a strong inhibition of such thoughts that
was almost unconscious.
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One of my good physics friends has said that the only time he was
able to do complicated calculations was after the birth of each of his
children, when he couldn't sleep anyway, so he stayed up and worked.
Thus in October of 1934, just after the birth of his second child and
unable to sleep, Yukawa realized that if the range of the strong nuclear
force was to be restricted to the size of a nucleus, then any exchanged
particle must be far more massive than the electron. The next morning
he estimated the mass to be two hundred times the electron mass. It
would have to carry an electric charge if it was to be exchanged between
neutrons and protons, and it could have no spin, so as not to change the
proton's or neutron's spin when it was absorbed or emitted.
What has all this concern over strong nuclear forces to do with neu-
tron decay, the subject that started this chapter and ended the last? you
may ask. In the 1930s, just as it went against the grain to imagine new
particles, so too inventing new forces seemed unnecessary at best and
heretical at worst. Physicists were convinced that all the processes that
occurred in the nucleus, strong or weak, must be connected.
Yukawa envisaged a clever way to do this, connecting ideas of both
Fermi and Heisenberg, and also generalizing ideas from the successful
quantum theory of electromagnetism. If instead of emitting a photon,
neutrons in the nucleus emitted a new, heavy, spinless charged particle,
which Yukawa originally called a mesotron—until Heisenberg corrected
Yukawa's Greek and the name was shortened to meson—then that par-
ticle could be absorbed by protons in the nucleus, producing a force of
attraction whose magnitude Yukawa was able to calculate using equa-
tions that were extrapolated from, you guessed it, electromagnetism.
The analogy with electromagnetism could not be exact, however, be-
cause the meson is massive and the photon is massless. Yukawa took the
attitude that Fermi might have, if he had thought of it. Yes, the theory
wasn't complete, but Yukawa was willing to ignore the other aspects of
electromagnetism that this theory couldn't reproduce. Damn the torpe-
does, full speed ahead.
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Yukawa ingeniously—and ultimately incorrectly—connected this
strong force to observed neutron decay by suggesting that mesons
might not always simply be exchanged between neutrons and protons in
the nucleus. A small fraction of the mesons emitted by neutrons might
decay en route into an electron and neutrino before they could be re-
absorbed, causing neutron decay. In this case, the neutron decay would
not be described by something like the figure below and on the left,
where the decay and the emission of the other particles all occur at a
single point. It would appear like the figure on the right, where the decay
gets spread out and a new particle, shown by the dashed line (which rep-
resents Yukawa's meson), travels a short distance after emission before
decaying into the electron and neutrino. With the new intermediate
particle, the weak interaction mediating neutron decay begins to look
more like the electromagnetic interaction between charged particles:
A
Yukawa had proposed a new intermediate particle, a heavy meson,
which made neutron decay look similar to the earlier picture of photon
exchange in electromagnetism—which had motivated his thinking in
the first place—but with significant differences. In this case the inter-
mediate particle was both massive and electrically charged, and also
unlike the photon it had no spin angular momentum.
Nevertheless, Yukawa was able to show that for a heavy meson his
theory would be indistinguishable from Fermi's point interaction de-
scribing neutron decay—at least for predicting the details of neutron
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decay. In addition, Yukawa's theory offered the possibility of reducing all
of the strange properties of the nucleus—from beta decay of neutrons
inside the nucleus to the strength of the interaction binding together
protons and neutrons—to merely understanding the properties of a
single new interaction, due to the exchange of a new particle, his meson.
However, if this new heavy meson existed, where was it? Why hadn't
it yet been seen in cosmic rays? Because of this, and also because Yukawa
was an unknown entity working in a location far from all the action,
no real attention was paid to his proposal to explain both the strong
interaction between nucleons and the weaker one that appeared to be
responsible for neutron decay. Nevertheless, his proposal, unlike those
of Heisenberg and others (including Fermi), was simpler and made more
sense.
All of this changed in 2936, less than two years after Yukawa's predic-
tion, when Carl Anderson, the discoverer of the positron, together with
collaborator Seth Neddermeyer, discovered what appeared to be a new
set of particles in cosmic rays. The characteristics of the tracks of these
new particles in cloud chambers implied that they produced too little
radiation in traversing matter to be protons or electrons. They were also
more massive than electrons and appeared to be sometimes negative
and sometimes positive. Before long the new particles were determined
to have a mass in the range that Yukawa had predicted—about two hun-
dred times the mass of the electron.
It is remarkable how quickly the rest of the world caught on. Yukawa
published a short note to point out that his theory predicted just such
particles. Within weeks the major physicists in Europe began exploring
his model and incorporating his ideas in their work. In 1938, in the last
major conference before the Second World War interrupted essentially
all international collaborations in science, of the eight main speakers,
three dealt with Yukawa's theory—citing a name they would have been
unfamiliar with a year or two before.
While much of the rest of the physics world celebrated the apparent
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discovery of Yukawa's meson, this discovery was not without its own
problems. In 1940 the decay of a meson to an electron, predicted by Yu-
kawa, was observed in cosmic-ray tracks. However, over the years 1943
to 1947 it became clear that the particles Anderson and Neddermeyer
had discovered interacted much more weakly with nuclei than Yukawa's
particle should have.
Something was wrong.
Three of Yukawa's Japanese colleagues suggested that mesons were of
two different sorts, and that a Yukawa-type meson might decay into yet
another, different and more weakly interacting meson. But their articles
were in Japanese and didn't appear in English until after the war, by which
time a similar proposal had been made by the US physicist Robert Marshak.
This delay proved fortuitous. New techniques were being developed
to observe the tracks of cosmic rays in photographic emulsions, and a
series of brave researchers dragged their equipment up to high eleva-
tions to search for possible new signals. Many cosmic rays interact and
disappear before reaching sea level, so this group and others interested
in exploring this wondrous new source of particles coming from the
heavens had no choice but to seek higher elevations. Here cosmic rays
would have traversed less distance in the atmosphere and might be
more easily detected.
The former Italian mountain guide turned physicist Giuseppe Oc-
chialini had been invited from Brazil to join a British team working on
the A-bomb during the war. As a foreign national, he couldn't work on
the project, so instead he joined the cosmic-ray physics group at Bris-
tol. Occhialini's mountain training proved useful as he dragged photo-
graphic emulsions up to the Pic du Midi at twenty-eight hundred meters
in France. Today you can travel to the observatory on top of this peak by
cable car, and it is a terrifyingly exciting ride. But in 1946 Occhialini had
to climb to the top, risking his health in the effort to discover signals of
exotic new physics.
And he and his team did discover exotic new physics. As Cecil Pow-
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ell, Occhialini's collaborator at Bristol (and future Nobel laureate, while
Occhialini, who had done the climbing, did without), put it, they saw
"a whole new world. It was as if, suddenly, we had broken into a walled
orchard, where protected trees flourished and all kinds of exotic fruits
had ripened in great profusion!
Less poetically, perhaps, what they discovered were two examples
in which an initial meson stopped in the emulsion and gave rise to a
second meson, just as had been suggested by the theorists. Many more
events were observed with emulsions taken to an elevation almost twice
as high as Pic du Midi. In October of 1947, in the journal Nature, Pow-
ell, Occhialini, and Powell's student Cesare Lattes published a paper in
which they named the initial meson the pion—which seemed to inter-
act with the nuclear strength appropriate to Yukawa's meson—and the
subsequent meson the muon.
It seemed at long last that Yukawa's meson had been discovered. As
for its "partner" the muon, which had been confused with Yukawa's
meson, it was nothing of the sort. Not spinless, it instead had the same
spin as the electron and the proton. And its interactions with matter
were nowhere near strong enough to play a role in nuclear binding. The
muon turned out to be simply a heavy, if unstable, copy of the electron,
which is what motivated Rabi's question "Who ordered that?"
So, the particle that made Yukawa famous wasn't the particle he
predicted after all. His idea became famous because the original ex-
perimental result had been misinterpreted. Fortunately, the Nobel
committee waited until the 1947 discovery of the pion before awarding
Yukawa their prize in 1949.
But, given the track record of errors and mislabeling, it is natural to
wonder if the pion was in fact the particle Yukawa had predicted. The
answer is both yes and no. Exchange of charged pions between protons
and neutrons is indeed one accurate way of trying to estimate the strong
nuclear force holding nuclei together. But in addition to charged pions-
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the mesons that Yukawa had predicted—there are neutral pions as well.
Who ordered those?
Moreover, the theory that Yukawa wrote down to describe the strong
force, like Fermi's theory to describe neutron decay, was not fully math-
ematically consistent, as Yukawa had conceded when he proposed it.
There was, at the time, no correct relativistic theory involving the ex-
change of massive particles. Something was still amiss, and a series of
surprising experimental discoveries, combined with prescient theoreti-
cal ideas that were unfortunately applied to the wrong theories, helped
lead to more than a decade of confusion before the fog lifted and light
appeared at the end of the tunnel. Or perhaps at the mouth of the cave.
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Chapter 12
MARCH OF THE TITANS
The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, and the
leopard shall lie down with the kid.
-ISAIAH 11:6
The relationship between theoretical insight and experi-
mental discovery is one of the most interesting aspects of the progress
of science. Physics is at its heart, like all of science, an empirical disci-
pline. Yet at times brief bursts of theoretical insight change everything.
Certainly Einstein's insights into space and time in the first two decades
of the twentieth century are good examples, and the remarkable theo-
retical progress associated with the development of quantum mechan-
ics by Schrodinger, Heisenberg, Pauli, Dirac, and others in the 1920s is
another.
Less heralded is another period, from 19s4 to 1974, which, while not
as revolutionary, will, when sufficient time has passed, be regarded as
one of the most fruitful and productive theoretical physics eras in the
twentieth century. These two decades took us, not without turmoil,
from chaos to order, from confusion to confidence, and from ugliness
to beauty. It's a wild ride, with a few detours that might seem to come
from left field, but bear with me. If you find it a tad uncomfortable, then
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recall what I said in the introduction about science and comfort. By put-
ting yourself in the frame of mind of those involved in the quest, whose
frustration eventually led to insights, the significance of the insights can
be truly appreciated.
This tumultuous period followed one in which experimental bomb-
shells had produced widespread confusion, making nature "curiouser
and curiouser," as Lewis Carroll might have put it. The discoveries of
the positron and quickly thereafter the neutron were just the begin-
ning. Neutron decay, nuclear reactions, muons, pions, and a host of new
elementary particles that followed made it appear as if fundamental
physics was hopelessly complicated. The simple picture of a universe in
which electromagnetism and gravity alone governed the interactions of
matter made from protons and electrons disappeared into the dustbin
of history. Some physicists at the time, like some on the political right
today, yearned for the (often misremembered) simplicity of the good old
days.
This newfound complexity drove some, by the 1960s, to imagine that
nothing was fundamental. In a Zen-like picture, they imagined that all
elementary particles were made from all other elementary particles, and
that even the notion of fundamental forces might be an illusion.
Nevertheless, percolating in the background were theoretical ideas
that would draw back the dark curtains of ignorance and confusion,
revealing an underlying structure to nature that is as remarkable as it
is strangely simple, and one in which light would once again play a key
role.
It all began with two theoretical developments, one profound and
unheralded and another relatively straightforward but brilliant and im-
mediately feted. Remarkably, the same man was involved in both.
Born in 1922 to a mathematician father, Chen-Ning Yang was edu-
cated in China, moving in 1938 from Beijing to Kunming to avoid the
Japanese invasion of China. He graduated four years later from National
Southwestern Associated University and remained there for another
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two years. There he met another student who had been forced to re-
locate to Kunming, Tsung-Dao Lee. While they only had a marginal
acquaintance with the United States, in 1946 both of them received
scholarships set up by the US government, with funds received from
China to allow talented Chinese students to pursue graduate study in
America. Yang had a master's degree and therefore had greater freedom
to pursue a PhD, and went with Fermi from Columbia to the University
of Chicago. Lee had less choice, as he did not have a master's degree, but
the only US university where he could work directly toward a PhD was
also the University of Chicago. Yang did his PhD under the supervision
of Edward Teller and worked directly with Fermi as his assistant for
only a year after graduation, while Lee did his PhD with Fermi directly.
During the 1940s, the University of Chicago was one of the greatest
centers of theoretical and experimental physics in the country, and its
graduate students benefited from their exposure to a remarkable set of
scientists—not only Fermi and Teller, but others including the brilliant
but unassuming astrophysicist Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar. When
he was nineteen, Chandra, as he was often called by colleagues, had
proved that stars greater than 1.4 times the mass of the Sun must col-
lapse catastrophically at the end of their nuclear-burning lifetime, either
through what is now known to be a supernova explosion, or directly in
what is now known as a black hole. While his theory was ridiculed at
the time, he was awarded the Nobel Prize for that work fifty-three years
later.
Chandra was not just a brilliant scientist but, like Fermi, a dedicated
teacher. Even though he was pursuing research at the Yerkes Observa-
tory in Wisconsin, he drove one hundred miles round-trip each week to
teach a class to just two registered students, Lee and Yang. Ultimately,
the entire class, professor included, became Nobel laureates, which is
probably unique in the history of science.
Yang moved to the venerable Institute for Advanced Study in Prince-
ton in 1949, where he nurtured his budding collaboration with Lee on
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a variety of topics. In 1952 Yang was made a permanent member of the
institute, while Lee moved in 19s3 to nearby Columbia in New York City,
where he remained for the rest of his career.
Each of these men made major contributions to physics in a variety
of areas, but the collaboration that made them famous began with a
strange experimental result, again coming from cosmic-ray observa-
tions.
In the same year that Yang moved from Chicago to the IAS, Cecil
Powell, the discoverer of the pion, discovered a new particle in cosmic
rays, which he called the tau meson. This particle was observed to decay
into three pions. Another new particle was discovered shortly thereaf-
ter, called the theta meson, which decayed into two pions. Surprisingly,
this new particle turned out to have precisely the same mass and life-
time as that tau meson.
This might not seem that strange. Might they be the same particle,
simply observed to decay in two different ways? Remember that in quan-
tum mechanics, anything that is not forbidden can happen, and as long
as the new particle was heavy enough to decay into either two or three
pions—and the weak force allowed such decays—both should occur.
But, if it were sensible, the weak force shouldn't have allowed both
decays.
Think for a moment about your hands. Your left hand differs from
your right hand. No simple physical process, short of entering through
the looking glass, can convert one into the other. No series of move-
ments, up or down, turning around, or jumping up and down, can turn
one into the other.
The forces that govern our experience, electromagnetism and gravity,
are blind to the distinction between left and right. No process moder-
ated by either force can turn something such as your right hand into its
mirror image. I cannot turn your right hand into your left hand merely
by shining light on it, for example.
Put another way, if I shine a light on your right hand and look at it
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from a distance, the intensity of reflected light will be the same as it
would be if I did the same thing to your left hand. The light doesn't care
about left or right when it is reflecting off something.
Our definition of left and right is imposed by human convention.
Tomorrow we could decide that left is right and vice versa, and nothing
would change except our labels. As I write this on an airplane, flying
economy class, the person to my right may be quite different from the
person to my left, but again that is just an accident of my circumstances.
I don't expect that the laws governing the flight of this plane are differ-
ent for the right wing than for the left wing.
Think about this in the subatomic world. Recall that Enrico Fermi
found that, given the rules of quantum mechanics, the mathematical
behavior of groups or pairs of elementary particles depends on whether
they have spin 54, i.e., are fermions. The behavior of groups of fermions
is quite different from the behavior of particles such as photons, which
have a spin value of 1 (or any integer value of spin angular momentum,
i.e., o, i, 2, 3, etc.). The mathematical "wave function" that describes a
pair of fermions, for example, is santisymmetric," while one describing
a pair of photons is "symmetric." This means that if one interchanges
one particle with another, the wave function describing fermions
changes sign. But for particles such as photons, the wave function re-
mains the same under such an interchange.
Interchanging two particles is the same as reflecting them in the
mirror. The one on the left now becomes the one on the right. Thus an
intimate connection exists between such exchanges and what physicists
call parity, which is the overall property of a system under reflection
(i.e., interchanging left and right).
If an elementary particle decays into two other particles, the wave
function describing the "parity" of the final state (i.e., whether the wave
function changes sign or not under left-right interchange of the par-
ticles) allows us then to assign a quantity we can call parity to the initial
particle. In quantum mechanics if the force that governs the decay is
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blind to left and right, then the decay will not change the parity of the
quantum state of the system.
If the wave function of the system is antisymmetric under inter-
change of the particles after the decay, then the system has "negative"
parity. In this case the wave function describing the initial quantum
state of the decaying particle must also have negative parity (i.e., it
would change sign if left and right were interchanged).
Now, pions, the particles discovered by Powell and hypothesized by
Yukawa, have negative parity, so that the wave function that describes
the quantum state of their mirror image would change sign compared to
the original wave function. The distinction between positive and negative
parity is kind of like considering first a nice spherical ball, which looks
identical when reflected in the mirror, and hence has positive parity:
O 0
Versus, say, your hand, which changes character (from left to right)
when reflected in a mirror and could therefore be said to have negative
parity:
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These somewhat abstract considerations made the observed data on
the decays of the new particles that Powell discovered perplexing. Be-
cause a pion has negative parity, two pions would have positive parity,
since (-0.= 1. A system of three pions, however, would, by the same
consideration, have negative parity, since (-03 = —1. Therefore if parity
doesn't change when a particle decays, a single original particle cannot
decay into two different final states of different parity.
If the force responsible for the decay behaved like all the other
known forces at the time, such as electromagnetism or gravity, it would
be blind to parity (it would not distinguish between right and left), so it
shouldn't change the original parity of the system after the decay, just
as shining a light on your right hand will not cause it to look like your
left hand.
Since it seemed impossible for a single type of particle to decay some-
times into two, and sometimes into three, pions, the solution seemed
simple. There must be two different new elementary particles, with op-
posite parity properties. Powell dubbed these the tau particle and theta
particle—one of which could decay into two pions, and one into three
pions.
Observations suggested that the two particles had precisely the same
masses and lifetimes, which was a bit strange, but Lee and Yang pro-
posed that this might be a general property for various elementary par-
ticles, which they suggested might come in pairs with opposite parity.
They called this idea "parity doubling."
Such was the situation in the spring of 190 when the International
Conference on High Energy Physics, held every year at the University of
Rochester, took place. In 1956, the entire community of physicists inter-
ested in particle and nuclear physics could fit in a single university lec-
ture hall, and these physicists, including all the major players, tended to
gather at this annual meeting. Richard Feynman was sharing a room at
the meeting with Marty Block. Being an experimentalist, Block was not
as burdened by the possible heresy inherent in the suggestion that some
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force in nature was not blind to the distinction between left and right,
and he asked Feynman if possibly the weak interaction governing the
decays Powell observed might distinguish left from right. This would
allow a single particle to decay to states of differing parity—meaning the
tau and theta could both be the same particle.
Block didn't have the temerity to raise this question in the public
session, but Feynman did, even though he privately thought this was
extremely unlikely. Yang replied that he and Lee had thought about this,
but so far nothing had come of the idea. Eugene Wigner, who would
later win a Nobel Prize for elucidating the importance of such things as
parity in atomic and nuclear physics, was also present, and he too raised
the same question about the weak interaction.
But to the victor go the spoils, and speculating about the possible
violation of parity by a new force in nature that might distinguish left
from right was different from demonstrating it. A month later Lee and
Yang were at a café in New York, and they decided to examine all known
experiments involving the weak interaction to see if any of them could
dispel the possibility of parity violation. To their great surprise, they
realized that not a single one definitively resolved the issue. As Yang
later said, The fact that parity conservation in the weak interaction was
believed for so long without experimental support was very startling.
But what was more startling was the prospect that a space-time symme-
try law which the physicists have learned so well may be violated. This
prospect did not appeal to us."
To their credit, Lee and Yang proposed a variety of experiments that
could test the possibility that the weak interaction distinguished right
from left. They suggested considering the beta decay of a neutron in the
nucleus of cobalt-6o. Because this radioactive nucleus has nonzero spin
angular momentum—i.e., it behaves as if it is spinning—it also acts like
a little magnet. In an external magnetic field the nuclei will line up in
the direction of the field. If the electron emitted when a neutron in the
nucleus decays preferentially ends up in one hemisphere instead of an-
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other, this would be a sign of parity violation, because in the mirror the
electrons would end up in the opposite hemisphere.
If this was true, then at a fundamental level, nature would be able
to distinguish right from left. The human-created distinctions between
them (i.e., sinister versus good) would not then be totally artificial. Thus
the world in a mirror could be distinguished from the real world, or, as
Richard Feynman poetically put it later, we could use this experiment
to send a message to tell a Martian what direction is "left"—say, the
hemisphere where more electrons were observed to emerge—without
drawing a picture.
At the time, this was viewed as such a long shot that many in the
physics community were amused, but no one ran out to perform the
experiment. No one, that is, except Lee's colleague at Columbia the ex-
perimentalist Chien-Shiung Wu, known as Madame Wu.
Even as we bemoan today the paucity of female physicists trained at
American institutions, the situation was much worse in 1956. After all,
women weren't even admitted as undergraduates at Ivy League institu-
tions until the late 1960s. Almost thirty years after Wu arrived from
China to study at Berkeley in 1936, she noted in a Newsweek article about
her, "It is shameful that there are so few women in science.... In China
there are many, many women in physics. There is a misconception in
America that women scientists are all dowdy spinsters. This is the fault
of men. In Chinese society, a woman is valued for what she is, and men
encourage her to accomplishments—yet she remains eternally femi-
nine."
Be that as it may, Wu was an expert in neutron decay and became in-
trigued by the tantalizing possibility of searching for parity violation in
the weak interaction after learning of it from her friends Lee and Yang.
She canceled a European vacation with her husband and embarked on
an experiment in June, one month after Lee and Yang had first thought
of the problem, and by October of that year—the same month Lee and
Yang's paper appeared in print—she and several colleagues had as-
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sembled the apparatus necessary to do the experiment. TWo days after
Christmas of that year they had a result.
In modern times particle physics experiments might take decades
from design to completion, but that was not the case in the 195os. It
was also a time when physicists apparently didn't bother to take holi-
days. Despite its being the yuletide, the Friday "Chinese Lunches" orga-
nized by Lee continued, and the first Friday after New Year's Day Lee
announced that Wu's group had discovered that not only was parity
violated, but it was violated by the maximum amount possible in the ex-
periment. The result was so surprising that Wu's group continued their
work to ensure they weren't being fooled by an experimental glitch.
Meanwhile, Leon Lederman and colleagues Dick Garwin and Mar-
cel Weinrich, also at Columbia, realized that they could check the result
in their experiments on pion and muon decays at Columbia's cyclotron.
Within a week, both groups, as well as Jerry Friedman and Val Telegdi
in Chicago, independently confirmed the result with high confidence,
and by mid-January 1957 they submitted their papers to the Physical
Review. They changed our picture of the world forever.
Columbia University called what was probably the first press confer-
ence ever announcing a scientific result. Feynman lost a 55o bet, but
Wolfgang Pauli was luckier. He had written a letter from Zurich on Jan-
uary is to Victor Weisskopf at MIT betting that Wu's experiment would
not show parity violation, not knowing that the experiment already had.
Pauli exclaimed in the letter, "I refuse to believe that God is a weak left-
hander," demonstrating an interesting appreciation for baseball as well.
Weisskopf, who by then knew of the actual result, was too kind to take
the bet.
Upon hearing the news, Pauli later wrote, "Now that the first shock
is over, I begin to collect myself." It really was a shock. The idea that one
of the fundamental forces in nature distinguished between right and
left flew in the face of common sense, as well as of much of the basis of
modern physics as it was understood then.
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The shock was so great that, for one of the few times in the history
of the Nobel Prizes, Nobel's will was actually carried out properly. His
will stipulates that the prize should go to the person or persons in each
field whose work that year was the most important. In October of 19s7,
almost exactly a year from the publication of Lee and Yang's paper, and
only ten months after Wu and Lederman confirmed the notion, the
thirty-year-old Lee and the baby-faced thirty-four-year-old Yang shared
the Nobel Prize for their proposal. Sadly, Madame Wu, known as the
Chinese "Madame Curie," had to be content with winning the inaugural
Wolf Prize in Physics twenty years later.
Suddenly the weak interaction became more interesting, and also
more confusing. Fermi's theory, which had sufficed up to that point,
was roughly modeled after electromagnetism. We can think of the elec-
tromagnetism interaction as a force between two different electric cur-
rents, each corresponding to the two separate moving electrons that
interact with each other. The weak interaction could be thought of in
a somewhat similar way, if in one current a neutron, during the inter-
action, converts into a proton, and in the other current is an outgoing
electron and neutrino.
There are two crucial differences, however. In Fermi's weak interac-
tion the two different currents interact at a single point rather than at
a distance, and the currents in the weak interaction allow particles to
change from one type to another as they extend through space.
While electromagnetic interactions are the same in the mirror as
they are in the real world, if parity is violated in the weak interaction,
the "currents" involved would have to have a "handedness," as Pauli al-
luded, as for example a corkscrew or pair of scissors has, so that their
mirror images will not be the same.
Parity violation in weak interactions would then be like the social
rule that we always shake hands with our right hand. In a mirror world,
people would always shake with their left hand. Thus, the real world dif-
fers from its mirror image. If the currents in the weak interaction had a
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handedness, then the weak interaction could distinguish right from left
and in a mirror world would be different from the force in the world in
which we live.
A great deal of work and confusion resulted as physicists tried to
figure out precisely what types of new possible interaction could replace
Fermi's simple current-to-current interaction, in which no apparent
handedness could be attributed to the particles involved. Relativity al-
lowed a variety of possible generalizations of Fermi's interaction, but
the results of different experiments led to different, mutually exclusive
mathematical forms for the interaction, so it appeared impossible that
one universal weak interaction could explain all of them.
Around the time when the first experimental results on neutron and
muon decay had come out suggesting that parity violation was as large
as it could be, a young graduate student at the University of Rochester,
George Sudarshan, began exploring the confused situation and came
up with what eventually was the correct form of a universal interaction
that could replace Fermi's form—something that also required that at
least some of the experimental results at the time were wrong.
The rest of the story is a bit tragic. At the Rochester conference three
months after the parity-violation discovery, and a year after Lee and
Yang had presented their first thoughts on parity doubling, Sudarshan
asked to present his results. But because he was a graduate student, he
wasn't allowed. His supervisor, Robert Marshak, who had suggested the
research problem to Sudarshan, was by then preoccupied with another
problem in nuclear physics and chose to present a talk on that subject
at the meeting. Another faculty member, who was asked to mention
Sudarshan's work, also forgot. So all of the discussion at the meeting
on the possible form of the weak interaction ended up leading nowhere.
Earlier, in '947, Marshak had been the first to suggest that two dif-
ferent mesons were discovered in Cecil Powell's experiments—with one
being the particle proposed by Yukawa, and the other being the particle
now called a muon. Marshak was also the originator of the Rochester
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conferences and probably felt it would show favoritism to allow his own
student to speak. In addition, since Sudarshan's idea required at least
some of the experimental data to be wrong, Marshak may have decided
it was premature to present it at the meeting.
That summer Marshak was working at the RAND Corporation in
Los Angeles and invited Sudarshan and another student to join him.
The two most renowned particle theorists in the world then, Feynman
and Murray Gell-Mann, were at Caltech, and each had become obsessed
with unraveling the form of the weak interaction.
Feynman had missed out on the discovery of parity violation by not
following his own line of questioning, but had since realized that his
work on quantum electrodynamics could shed light on the weak in-
teraction. He desperately wanted to do this because he felt his work
on QED was simply a bit of technical wizardry and far less noble than
unearthing the form of the law governing another of the fundamental
interactions in nature. But Feynman's proposal for the form of the weak
interaction also appeared to disagree with experiments at the time.
Over the igsos, Gell-Mann would produce many of the most impor-
tant and lasting ideas in particle physics from that time. He was one of
two physicists to propose that protons and neutrons were made of more
fundamental particles, which he called quarks. He had his own reasons
for thinking about parity and the weak interaction. Much of his success
was based on focusing on new mathematical symmetries in nature, and
he had used these ideas to come up with a new possible form for the
weak interaction as well, but again his idea conflicted with experiment.
While they were in LA, Marshak arranged for Sudarshan to have
lunch with Gell-Mann to talk about their ideas. They also met with an
eminent experimentalist, Felix Boehm, whose experiments, he said,
were now consistent with their ideas. Sudarshan and Marshak learned
from Gell-Mann that his ideas were consistent with Sudarshan's pro-
posal, but that at best Gell-Mann was planning to include the notion in
one paragraph of a long general paper on the weak interaction.
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Meanwhile, Marshak and Sudarshan prepared a paper on their idea,
and Marshak decided to save it for a presentation at an international
conference in Italy in the fall. Learning of the new experimental data
from Boehm, Feynman decided—rather excitedly—that his ideas were
correct and began to write a paper on the subject. Gell-Mann, who was
competitive in the extreme, decided he too should write up a paper
since Feynman was writing one. Eventually their department chairman
convinced them they needed to write their paper together, which they
did, and it became famous. Although the paper had an acknowledgment
to Sudarshan and Marshak for discussions, their paper appeared later in
the conference proceedings and could not compete for the attention of
the community.
Later, in 1963, Feynman, who tried to be generous with ideas, publicly
stated, "The ... theory that was discovered by Sudarshan and Marshak,
publicized by Feynman and Gell-Mann ..." But it was too little, too late.
It would have been hard in the best of times to compete in the limelight
with Feynman and Gell-Mann, and Sudarshan had to live for years with
the knowledge that the universal form of the weak interaction, which
two of the world's physics heroes had discovered, was first proposed—
and with more confidence—by him.
Sudarshan's theory, as elucidated beautifully in Feynman and Gell-
Mann's paper, became known as the V-A theory of the weak interaction.
The reason for the name is technical and will make more sense in com-
ing chapters, but the fundamental idea is simple, though it sounds both
ridiculous and meaningless: the currents in the Fermi theory must be
"left-handed."
To understand this terminology, recall that in quantum mechanics
elementary particles such as electrons, protons, and neutrinos have spin
angular momentum—they behave as if they are spinning even though
classically a point particle without extension can't be pictured as spin-
ning. Now, consider the direction of their motion and pretend for a mo-
ment the particle is like a top spinning around that axis. Put your right
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hand out and let your thumb point in the direction of the particle's mo-
tion. Then curl your other fingers around. If they are curling in the same
(counterclockwise) direction that the particle/top is spinning about the
direction of motion, the particle is said to be right-handed. If you put
your left hand out and do the same thing, a left-handed particle would
be spinning clockwise to match the direction of your left-curled hand:
right-handed
left-handed
Just as viewing your left hand in a mirror will make it look like a right
hand, if you see a spinning arrow in the mirror, its direction of motion
will be flipped, so that if the arrow is moving away from you in the real
world, it will be moving toward you in the mirror, but the spin will not
be flipped. Thus, in the mirror a left-handed particle will turn into a
right-handed particle. (And so, if the poor souls in Plato's cave had had
mirrors, they might have felt less strange about the shadows of arrows
flipping direction.)
This working picture of left-handed particles is not exact, because if
you think about it, you can also turn a left-handed particle into a right-
handed particle by simply moving faster than the particle. In a frame
in which a person at rest observes the particle zipping by, it may be
moving to the left. But if you hop in a rocket and head off to the left and
pass by that particle, then relative to you, it is moving to the right. As
a result, only for particles that are massless—and are therefore moving
at the speed of light—is the above description exact. For, if a particle
is moving at the speed of light, nothing can move fast enough to pass
the particle. Mathematically, the definition of left-handed has to take
this effect into account, but this complication need not concern us any
more here.
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Electrons can spin in either direction, but what the V-A interaction
implies mathematically is that only those moving electrons whose cur-
rents are left-handed can "feel" the weak force and participate in neu-
tron decay. Right-handed currents don't feel the force.
What is more amazing is that neutrinos only feel the weak force, and
no other force. As far as we can tell, neutrinos are only left-handed. It
is not just that only one sort of neutrino current engages in the weak
interaction. In all the experimental observations so far, there are no
right-handed neutrinos—perhaps the most explicit demonstration of
the violation of parity in nature.
The seeming silliness of this nomenclature was underscored to me
years ago when I was watching a Star Thek Deep Space Nine episode,
during which a science officer on the space station discovers something
wrong with the laws of probability in a gaming casino. She sends a neu-
trino beam through the facility, and the neutrinos are observed to be
coming out only left-handed. Clearly something was wrong.
Except that is the way it really is.
What is wrong with nature? How come, for at least one of the fun-
damental forces, left is different from right? And why should neutrinos
be so special? The simple answer to these questions is that we don't yet
know, even though our very existence, which derives from the nature of
the known forces, ultimately depends on it. That is one reason we are
trying to find out. The elucidation of a new force led to a new puzzle, and
like most puzzles in science, it ultimately provided the key that would
lead physicists down a new path of discovery. Learning that nature
lacked the left-right symmetry that everyone had assumed was funda-
mental led physicists to reexamine how symmetries are manifested in
the world, and more important, how they are not.
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ENDLESS FORMS MOST
BEAUTIFUL: SYMMETRY
STRIKES BACK
Now faith is the substance of things hoped for,
the evidence of things not seen.
-HEBREWS 11:1
Borrowing from Pauli, we can say Mother Nature is a weak
left-hander. With the shocking realization that nature distinguishes left
from right, physics itself took a strange left turn down a road with no
familiar guideposts. The beautiful order of the periodic table governing
phenomena on atomic scales gave way to the mystery of the nucleus and
the inscrutable nature of the forces that governed it.
Gone were the seemingly simple days of light, motion, electromag-
netism, gravity, and quantum mechanics. The spectacularly successful
theory of quantum electrodynamics, which had previously occupied the
forefront of physics, seemed to be replaced by a confusing world of ex-
otic phenomena associated with the other two newly discovered weak
and strong nuclear forces that governed the heart of matter. Their ef-
fects and properties could not easily be isolated, despite that one force
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was thousands of times stronger than the other. The world of funda-
mental particles appeared to be ever more complicated, and the situa-
tion was getting more confusing with each passing year.
If the discovery of parity violation created shadows of confusion by
demonstrating that nature had completely unexpected preferences, the
first rays of light arose from the realization that other nuclear quantities,
which on the surface seemed quite different, might, when viewed from
a fundamental perspective, be not so different at all.
Perhaps the most important discovery in nuclear physics was that pro-
tons and neutrons could convert into each other, as Yukawa had specu-
lated years earlier. This was the basis of the emerging understanding of
the weak interaction. But most physicists felt that it was also the key to
understanding the strong force that appeared to hold nuclei together.
Two years before his revolutionary work with T.-D. Lee, exposing
the demise of the sacred left-right symmetry of nature, C.-N. Yang had
concentrated his efforts on trying to understand how a different type of
symmetry, borrowed from quantum electrodynamics, might reveal an
otherwise hidden beauty inside the nucleus. Perhaps, as Galileo discov-
ered regarding the basis of motion, the most obvious things we observe
about nature are also the things that most effectively mask its funda-
mental properties.
What had slowly become clear, not only from the progress in under-
standing neutron decay and other weak effects in nuclei, but also from
looking at strong nuclear collisions, was that the obvious distinction be-
tween protons and neutrons—the proton is charged and the neutron is
neutral—might, as far as the underlying physics governing the nucleus
is concerned, be irrelevant. Or at least as irrelevant as the apparent dis-
tinction between a falling feather and a falling rock is to our under-
standing of the underlying physics of gravity and falling objects.
First off, the weak force could convert protons into neutrons. More
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important, when one examined the rates of other, stronger nuclear re-
actions involving proton or neutron collisions, replacing neutrons by
protons and vice versa didn't significantly change the results.
In 1932, the year the neutron was discovered, Heisenberg had sug-
gested that the neutron and proton might be just two states of the same
particle, and he invented a parameter he called isotopic spin to distinguish
them. After all, their masses are almost the same, and light-stable nuclei
contain equal numbers of them. Following this, and after the recognition
by the distinguished nuclear physicists Benedict Cassen, Edward Con-
don, Gregory Breit, and Eugene Feenberg that nuclear reactions seemed
to be largely blind to distinguishing protons and neutrons, the brilliant
mathematical physicist Eugene Wigner suggested that isotopic spin was
"conserved" in nuclear reactions—implying an underlying symmetry
governing the nuclear forces between protons and neutrons. (Wigner
had earlier developed rules demonstrating how symmetries in atomic
systems ultimately allowed a complete classification of atomic states and
the transitions between them, for which he later won the Nobel Prize.)
Earlier, when discussing electromagnetism, I noted that the net
electric charge doesn't change during electromagnetic interactions—
i.e., electric charge is conserved—because of an underlying symmetry
between positive and negative charges. The underlying connection be-
tween conservation laws and symmetries is far broader and far deeper
than this one example. The deep and unexpected relationship between
conservation laws and symmetries of nature has been the single most
important guiding principle in physics in the past century.
In spite of its importance, the precise mathematical relationship be-
tween conservation laws and symmetries was only made explicit in 1915
by the remarkable German mathematician Emmy Noether. Sadly, al-
though she was one of the most important mathematicians in the early
twentieth century, Noether worked without an official position or pay
for much of her career.
Noether had two strikes against her. First, she was a woman, which
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made obtaining education and employment during her early career dif-
ficult, and second, she was Jewish, which ultimately ended her academic
career in Germany and resulted in her exile to the United States shortly
before she died. She managed to attend the University of Erlangen as one
of 2 female students out of 986, but even then she was only allowed to
audit classes after receiving special permission from individual profes-
sors. Nevertheless, she passed the graduation exam and later studied at
the famed University of Gottingen for a short period before returning to
Erlangen to complete her PhD thesis. After working for seven years at
Erlangen as an instructor without pay, she was invited in 1915 to return
to Gottingen by the famed mathematician David Hilbert. Historians and
philosophers among the faculty, however, blocked her appointment. As
one member protested, "What will our soldiers think when they return
to the university and find that they are required to learn at the feet of a
woman?" In a retort that eternally reinforced my admiration for Hilbert,
beyond that for his remarkable talent as a mathematician, he replied, 1
do not see that the sex of the candidate is an argument against her ad-
mission as a Privatdozent. After all, we are a university, not a bathhouse."
Hilbert was overruled, however, and while Noether spent the next
seventeen years teaching at Gottingen, she was not paid until 1923, and
in spite of her remarkable contributions to many areas of mathemat-
ics—so many and so deep that she is often considered one of the great
mathematicians of the twentieth century—she was never promoted to
the position of professor.
Nevertheless, in 1915, shortly after arriving at Gottingen, she proved
a theorem that is now known as Noether's theorem, which all graduate
students in physics learn, or should learn, if they are to call themselves
physicists.
Returning once again to electromagnetism, the relationship between the
arbitrary distinction between positive and negative (had Benjamin Frank-
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lin had a better understanding of nature when he defined positive charge,
electrons would today probably be labeled as having positive, not negative,
charge) and the conservation of electric charge—namely, that the total
charge in a system before and after any physical reaction doesn't change—
is not at all obvious. It is in fact a consequence of Noether's theorem, which
states that for every fundamental symmetry of nature—namely for every
transformation under which the laws of nature appear unchanged—some
associated physical quantity is conserved. In other words, some physical
quantity doesn't change over time as physical systems evolve. Thus:
• The conservation of electric charge reflects that the laws of nature
don't change if the sign of all electric charges is changed.
• The conservation of energy reflects that the laws of nature don't
change with time.
• The conservation of momentum reflects that the laws of nature don't
change from place to place.
• The conservation of angular momentum reflects that the laws of na-
ture don't depend on which direction a system is rotated.
Hence, the claimed conservation of isotopic spin in nuclear reactions
is a reflection of the experimentally verified claim that nuclear interac-
tions remain roughly the same if all protons are changed into neutrons
and vice versa. It is reflected as well in the world of our experience, in
that for light elements, at least, the number of protons and neutrons in
the nucleus is roughly the same.
In 1954, Yang, and his collaborator at the time, Robert Mills, went one
important step further, once again thinking about light. Electromagne-
tism and quantum electrodynamics do not just have the simple symme-
try that tells us that there is no fundamental difference between negative
charge and positive charge, and that the label is arbitrary. As I described
at length earlier, a much more subtle symmetry is at work as well, one that
ultimately determines the complete form of electrodynamics.
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Gauge symmetry in electromagnetism tells us that we can change
the definition of positive and negative charge locally without changing
the physics, as long as there is a field, in this case the electromagnetic
field, that can account for any such local alterations to ensure that the
long-range forces between charges are independent of this relabeling.
The consequence of this in quantum electrodynamics is the existence
of a massless particle, the photon, which is the quantum of the electro-
magnetic field, and which conveys the force between distant particles.
In this sense, that gauge invariance is a symmetry of nature ensures
that electromagnetism has precisely the form it has. The interactions
between charged particles and light are prescribed by this symmetry.
Yang and Mills then asked what would happen if one extended the
symmetry that implies that we could interchange neutrons and protons
everywhere without changing the physics, into a symmetry that allows
us to change what we label as "neutron" and "proton" differently from
place to place. Clearly by analogy with quantum electrodynamics, some
new field would be required to account for and neutralize the effect of
these arbitrarily varying labels from place to place. If this field is a quan-
tum field, then could the particles associated with this field somehow
play a role in, or even completely determine, the nature of the nuclear
forces between protons and neutrons?
These were fascinating questions, and to their credit Yang and Mills
didn't merely ask them, they tried to determine the answers by explor-
ing specifically what the mathematical implications of such a new type
of gauge symmetry associated with isotopic spin conservation would be.
It became clear immediately that things would get much more com-
plicated. In quantum electrodynamics, merely switching the sign of
charges between electrons and positrons does not change the magnitude
of the net charge on each particle. However, relabeling the particles in
the nucleus replaces a neutral neutron with a positively charged proton.
Therefore whatever new field must be introduced in order to cancel out
the effect of such a local transformation so that the underlying physics is
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unchanged must itself be charged. But if the field is itself charged, then,
unlike photons—which, being neutral, don't themselves interact directly
with other photons—this new field would also have to interact with itself.
Introducing the need for a new charged generalization of the elec-
tromagnetic field makes the mathematics governing the theory much
more complex. In the first place, to account for all such isotopic spin
transformations one would need not just one such field but three fields,
one positively charged, one negatively charged, and one neutral. This
means that a single field at each point in space, like the electromagnetic
field in QED, which points in a certain direction in space with a certain
magnitude (and is called a vector field in physics for this reason), is not
sufficient. The electric field must be replaced by a field described by a
mathematical object called a matrix—not to be confused with anything
having to do with Keanu Reeves.
Yang and Mills explored the mathematics behind this new and more
complex type of gauge symmetry, which today we call either a non-
abelian gauge symmetry—arising from a particular mathematical prop-
erty of matrices that makes multiplying them different from multiplying
numbers—or, in deference to Yang and Mills, a Yang-Mills symmetry.
Yang and Mills's article appears at first glance to be an abstract—or
purely speculative—mathematical exploration of the implications of a
guess about the possible form of a new interaction, motivated by the ob-
servation of gauge symmetry in electromagnetism. Nevertheless, it was
not an exercise in pure mathematics. The paper tried to explore possible
observable consequences of the hypothesis to see if it might relate to the
real world. Unfortunately the mathematics was sufficiently complicated
such that the possible observable signatures were not so obvious.
One thing was clear, however. If the new "gauge fields" were to ac-
count for and thus cancel out the effects of separate isotopic spin
transformations made in distant locations, the fields would have to be
massless. This is equivalent to saying that only because photons are
massless can the force they transmit between particles be arbitrarily
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long-range. To return to my chessboard analogy, you need a single rule-
book to tell you how to properly move over the entire board if I have pre-
viously changed the colors of the board randomly from place to place.
But having massive gauge fields, which cannot be exchanged over arbi-
trarily long distances, is equivalent to having a rulebook that tells you
how to compensate for changing colors only on nearby squares around
your starting point. But this would not allow you to move pieces across
the board to distant locations.
In short, a gauge symmetry such as that in electromagnetism, or in
the more esoteric Yang-Mills proposal, only works if the new fields re-
quired by the symmetry are massless. Amid all the mathematical com-
plexity, this one fact is inviolate.
But we have observed in nature no long-range forces involving the
exchange of massless particles other than electromagnetism and grav-
ity. Nuclear interactions are short-range—they only apply over the size
of the nucleus.
This obvious problem was not lost on Yang and Mills, who recog-
nized it and, frankly, punted. They proposed that somehow their new
particles could become massive when they interacted with the nucleus.
When they tried to estimate masses from first principles, they found
the theory was too mathematically complicated to allow them to make
reasonable estimates. All they knew was that empirically the mass of the
new gauge particles would have to be greater than that of pions in order
to have avoided detection in then-existing experiments.
Such a willingness to throw their hands in the air might have seemed
either lazy or unprofessional, but Yang and Mills knew, as Yukawa had
known before them, that no one had been able to write down a sensible
quantum field theory of a particle like the photon, but one that, unlike
the photon, had a mass. So it didn't seem worthwhile at the time to try
to solve all the problems of quantum field theory at once. Instead, with
less irreverence than Jonathan Swift, they merely presented their paper
as a modest proposal, to spur the imagination of their colleagues.
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Wolfgang Pauli, however, would have none of it. While he had thought
of some related ideas a year earlier, he had discarded them. Moreover, he
felt that all this talk about quantum uncertainties in estimating masses
was a red herring. If there was to be a new gauge symmetry in nature as-
sociated with isotopic spin and governing nuclear forces, the new Yang-
Mills particles, like the photon, would have to be massless.
For these reasons, among others, the Yang-Mills paper made far less
of a stir at the time than the later Yang and Lee opus. To most physicists
it was an interesting curiosity at best, and the discovery of parity viola-
tion seemed much more exciting.
But not to Julian Schwinger, who was no ordinary physicist. A child
prodigy who had graduated from university by the age of eighteen, he
received his PhD by the age of twenty-one. Perhaps no two physicists
could have been as different as he and Richard Feynman, who shared
the Nobel Prize in 196s for their separate but equivalent work devel-
oping the theory of quantum electrodynamics. Schwinger was refined,
formal, and brilliant. Feynman was brilliant, casual, and certainly not
refined. Feynman relied often on intuition and guesswork, building on
prodigious mathematical skill and experience. Schwinger's mathemati-
cal skill was every bit Feynman's equal, but Schwinger worked in an
orderly fashion, manipulating complicated mathematical expressions
with an ease not possible for ordinary mortals. He joked about Feynman
diagrams, which Feynman had developed to make what had previously
been perilously laborious calculations in quantum field theory manage-
able, saying, "Like the silicon chips of more recent years, the Feynman
diagram was bringing computation to the masses." Both of them shared
one characteristic, however. They marched to the beat of a different
drummer... in opposite directions.
Schwinger took the Yang-Mills idea seriously. The mathematical
beauty must have appealed to him. In 3.9s7, the same year that parity
violation was discovered, Schwinger made a bold and seemingly highly
unlikely suggestion that the weak interaction responsible for the decay
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of neutrons into protons, electrons, and neutrinos might benefit from
the possibility of Yang-Mills fields, but in a new and remarkable way.
He proposed that the observed gauge symmetry of electromagnetism
might simply be one part of a larger gauge symmetry in which new
gauge particles might mediate the weak interaction that caused neu-
trons to decay.
An obvious objection to this kind of unification is that the weak
interaction is far weaker than electromagnetism. Schwinger had an
answer for this. If somehow the new gauge particles were very heavy,
almost one hundred times heavier than protons and neutrons, then the
interaction they might mediate would be of much shorter range than
even the size of a nucleus, or even a single proton or neutron. In this
case, one could work out that the probability that this interaction would
cause a neutron to decay would be small. Thus, if the range of the weak
interaction was small, these new fields, the strength of whose intrinsic
coupling to electrons and protons on small scales could be comparable
to the strength of electromagnetism, could nevertheless, on the scale of
nuclei and larger, appear to be much, much weaker.
Put more bluntly, Schwinger proposed the outrageous idea that
electromagnetism and the weak interaction were part of a single Yang-
Mills theory, in spite of the remarkable and obvious differences between
them. He thought that perhaps the photon could be the neutral member
of a Yang-Mills-type set of three gauge particles required by treating
isotopic spin as a gauge symmetry, with the charged versions convey-
ing the weak interaction and being responsible for mediating the decay
of neutrons. Why the charged particles would have a huge mass while
the photon was massless, he had no idea. But, as I have often said, lack
of understanding is neither evidence for God, nor evidence that one is
necessarily wrong. It just is evidence of lack of understanding.
Schwinger was not only a brilliant physicist but a brilliant teacher
and mentor. While Feynman had few successful students, probably be-
cause none of them could keep up with him, Schwinger seemed to have
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a knack for guiding brilliant PhD students. In his life he supervised more
than seventy PhDs, and four of his students later won the Nobel Prize.
Schwinger was sufficiently interested in relating the weak interac-
tion to electromagnetism that he encouraged one of his dozen graduate
students at Harvard at the time to explore the issue. Sheldon Glashow
graduated in 1958 with a thesis on the subject and continued to explore
the issue for the next few years as a National Science Foundation post-
doctoral researcher in Copenhagen. In his Nobel lecture twenty years
later, Glashow indicated that he and Schwinger had planned to write a
manuscript on the subject after Glashow graduated, but one of them
lost the first draft of the manuscript, and they never got back to it.
Glashow was no clone of Schwinger's. Refined and brilliant, yes, but
also brash, playful, and boisterous, Glashow did research that was not
characterized by mathematical acrobatics, but rather by a keen focus on
physical puzzles and exploring new possible symmetries of nature that
might resolve them.
When I was a young graduate student in physics at MIT, I was ini-
tially drawn to deep mathematical questions in physics and had written
my admissions essay for my PhD application on just this subject. Within
a few years I found myself depressed by the nature of the mathematical
investigations I was pursuing. I met Glashow at a summer school for
PhD students in Scotland and became friends with both him and his
family—a friendship that continued to blossom when we later became
colleagues at Harvard. The year after we met, he spent a sabbatical year
at MIT. During this important time for me, when I was considering
alternatives, he said to me, "There's physics, and there's formalism, and
you have to know the difference." Implicit in this advice was the sugges-
tion that I should pursue physics. When I saw the fun he was having, it
became easier to consider joining in.
I soon realized that for me to make progress in physics I needed to
work on questions driven primarily by physical issues, not ones driven
primarily by mathematical issue. The only way I could do that would
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be to keep in touch with ongoing experiments—and new experimental
results. By watching Shelly and how he did physics, I realized that he
had an uncanny ability to know which experiments were interesting,
and which results might be significant or might point toward some-
thing new. Part of this was undoubtedly innate, but part was based on
a lifetime of keeping in touch with what was happening on the ground.
Physics is an empirical science, and we lose touch with that at our peril.
In Copenhagen, Glashow realized that if he wanted to properly im-
plement Schwinger's proposal to connect the weak interaction with the
electromagnetic interaction, then simply making the photon be the neu-
tral member of a triplet of gauge particles, with the charged members
becoming massive by some as yet unknown miracle, wouldn't fly. This
couldn't explain the proper nature of the weak interaction, in particular
the strange fact that the weak interaction seemed to apply only to left-
handed electrons (and neutrinos), whereas electromagnetic interactions
don't depend on whether the electrons are left- or right-handed.
The only solution to this problem would be if another neutral gauge
particle existed—in addition to the photon—which itself coupled to
only left-handed particles. But clearly the new neutral particle would
also have to be heavy since the interactions it mediated would have to
be weak as well.
Glashow's ideas were reported to the physics community by Murray
Gell-Mann at the 1960 Rochester meeting, as Gell-Mann had by then
recruited Glashow to Caltech to work in Gell-Mann's group. Glashow's
paper on the subject, submitted in 1960, appeared in 1961 in print. Yet,
no sudden stampede occurred in response.
After all, two fundamental problems remained with Glashow's pro-
posal. The first was the long-familiar problem of how one could have the
different masses of the particles needed to convey the different forces,
when gauge symmetries required all the gauge particles to be massless.
Glashow simply stated in the introduction of his paper, following in a long
line of such hubris, "It is a stumbling block we must overlook."
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The second problem was more subtle, but from an experimental per-
spective equally severe. Neutron decay, pion decay, and muon decay, if
they were indeed mediated by some new particles conveying the weak
force, all appeared to require only the exchange of new charged par-
ticles. No weak interaction had been observed that would require the
exchange of a new neutral particle. If such a new neutral particle did
exist, calculations at the time suggested it would allow the other known
heavier mesons that decayed into two or three pions (and were respon-
sible for the original confusion that led to the discovery of parity viola-
tion) to decay much more rapidly than they were observed to decay.
For these reasons, Glashow's proposal drifted into the background
as physicists became entranced with the new particle zoo that was
emerging out of accelerators, and the concomitant opportunity for new
discoveries. Yet several of the key theoretical ingredients needed to
complete a revolution in fundamental physics were in place, but it was
far from obvious at the time. That within slightly more than a decade
after Glashow's paper was published all of the known forces in nature
save gravity would be unveiled and understood would have seemed like
pure fantasy at the time.
And symmetry would be the key.
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COLD, STARK REALITY:
BREAKING BAD OR BEAUTIFUL?
From whose womb has come the ice? And the frost
of heaven, who has given it birth?
-JOB 38:29
It is easy to pity the poor protagonists in Plato's cave, who
may understand everything there is to know about the shadows on the
wall, except that they are shadows. But appearances can be deceiving.
What if the world around us is just a similar shadow of reality?
Imagine, for example, that you wake up one cold winter morning and
look out your window, and the view is completely obscured by beautiful
ice crystals, forming strange patterns on the glass. It might look like this:
blidOgf aril by Hokin AM:v.2
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The beauty of the image is striking at least in part because of the re-
markable order on small scales lurking within the obvious randomness
on large scales. Ice crystals have grown gorgeous treelike patterns, start-
ing in random directions and bumping into each other at odd angles.
The dichotomy between small-scale order and large-scale randomness
suggests that the universe would look very different to tiny physicists or
mathematicians confined to live on the spine of one of the ice crystals
in the image.
One direction in space, corresponding to the direction along the
spine of the ice crystal, would be special. The natural world would ap-
pear to be oriented around that axis. Moreover, given the crystal lattice
structure, electric forces along the spine would appear to be quite dif-
ferent from the forces perpendicular to it: the forces would behave as if
they were different forces.
If the physicist or mathematician living on the crystal was clever, or,
like the mathematician in Plato's cave, lucky enough to leave the crystal,
it would soon become clear that the special direction that governed the
physics of the world they were used to was an illusion. They would find,
or surmise, that other crystals could point in many other directions.
Ultimately if they could observe the window from the outside on large
enough scales, the underlying symmetry of nature under rotations in
all directions, reflected in the growth of the crystals in all directions,
would become manifest.
The notion that the world of our experience is a similar accident of
our particular circumstances rather than a direct reflection of underly-
ing realities has become central to modern physics. We even give it a
fancy name: spontaneous symmetry breaking.
I mentioned one sort of spontaneous symmetry breaking earlier
when discussing parity, or left-right symmetry. Our left hands look dif-
ferent from our right hands even though electromagnetism—the force
that governs the building of large biological structures such as our bod-
ies—doesn't distinguish between left and right.
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Two other examples I know of, both presented by distinguished
physicists, also help illuminate spontaneous symmetry breaking in dif-
ferent ways that might be useful. Abdus Salam, who won a Nobel Prize
in 1979 for work that depended crucially on this phenomenon, described
a situation that is familiar to all of us: sitting down with a group of
people at a round dining table set for, say, eight people. When you sit
down, it may not be obvious which wineglass is yours and which is your
neighbor's—the one on the right or the one on the left. But regardless of
the laws of etiquette, which dictate it should be on your right, once the
first person picks up her glass, everyone else at the table has only one
option if everyone is to get a drink. Even though the underlying symme-
try of the table is manifest, the symmetry gets broken when a direction
is chosen for the wineglasses.
Yoichiro Nambu, another Nobelist who was the first physicist to de-
scribe spontaneous symmetry breaking in particle physics, gave another
example that I will adapt here. Take a rod, or even a drinking straw, hold
it up with one end on a table, and press down on the top end of the rod.
Ultimately the rod will bend. It could bend in any direction, and if you
try the experiment several times, you may find it bending in different
directions each time. Before you press down, the rod has complete cy-
lindrical symmetry. Afterward, one direction among many possibilities
has been chosen, not determined by the underlying physics of the rod
but by the accident of the particular way you press on the rod each time.
The symmetry has been broken spontaneously.
If we now return to the world of the frozen window, the character-
istics of materials can change as we cool systems down. Water freezes,
gases liquefy, and so on. In physics, such a change is called a phase tran-
sition, and as the window example demonstrates, whenever a system
undergoes a phase transition, it is not unusual to find that symmetries
associated with one phase will disappear in the other phase. Before the
ice froze into the crystals on the window, the water droplets wouldn't
have been so ordered, for example.
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One of the most astonishing phase transitions ever witnessed in sci-
ence was first observed by the Dutch physicist Kamerlingh Onnes on
April 8, 1911. Onnes had—remarkably—been able to cool materials to
temperatures never before achieved, and he was the first person to liq-
uefy helium, at just four degrees above absolute zero. For this experi-
mental prowess he was later awarded a Nobel Prize. On April 8, when
cooling a mercury wire down to 4.2 degrees above absolute zero in a
liquid helium bath and measuring its electrical resistance, to his aston-
ishment he discovered that the resistance suddenly dropped to zero.
Currents could flow in the wire indefinitely once they began, even after
any battery that started the flow was removed. Demonstrating that his
talent for public relations was as astute as his experimental talents, he
coined the term superconductivity to describe this remarkable and com-
pletely unexpected result.
Superconductivity was so unexpected and strange that it would take
almost fifty years after the discovery of quantum mechanics, on which it
depends, before a fascinating physics explanation was developed by the
team of John Bardeen, Leon Cooper, and Robert Schrieffer, in 1957. (That
was same year that parity violation was observed, and that Schwinger
proposed a model to try to unify the weak and electromagnetic interac-
tion.) Their work was a tour de force, built on a succession of insights
made over several decades of work. Ultimately the explanation relies on
an unexpected phenomenon that can only occur in certain materials.
In empty space, electrons repel other electrons because like charges
repel each other. However, in certain materials, as they are cooled, elec-
trons can actually bind to other electrons. This happens in the mate-
rial because a free electron tends to attract around it positively charged
ions. If the temperature is extremely low, then another electron can be
attracted to the positively charged field around the first electron. Pairs
of electrons can bind together, with the glue, if you wish, being the posi-
tively charged field caused by the attraction of the first electron on the
lattice of positive charges associated with the atoms in the material.
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Since the nuclei of atoms are heavy and pinned in place by relatively
strong atomic forces, the first electron slightly distorts the lattice of
nearby atoms, moving some of the atoms slightly closer to the electron
than they would otherwise be. Distortions of the lattice in general cause
vibrations, or sound waves, in the material. In the quantum world these
vibrations are quantized and are called phonons. Leon Cooper discov-
ered that these phonons can bind pairs of electrons, as I have described
above, so these are called Cooper pairs.
The true magic of quantum mechanics occurs next. When mer-
cury (or any of several other materials) is cooled below a certain point,
a phase transition occurs and all the Cooper pairs suddenly coalesce
into a single quantum state. This phenomenon, called Bose-Einstein
condensation, occurs because unlike fermions, particles with integral
quantum mechanical spin, such as photons, or even particles with zero
spin, instead prefer to all be in the same state. This was proposed first
by the Indian physicist Satyendra Nath Bose and later elaborated upon
by Einstein. Once again light played a crucial role, as Bose's analysis
involved the statistics of photons, and Bose-Einstein condensation is
intimately related to the physics governing lasers, in which many indi-
vidual photons all behave coherently in the same state. For this reason
particles with integral spin such as photons are called bosons, to distin-
guish them from fermions.
In a gas or a solid at room temperature, normally so many collisions
occur between particles that their individual states are changing rapidly
and any collective behavior is impossible. However, a gas of bosons can
coalesce at a low enough temperature into a Bose-Einstein condensate,
in which the individual particles identities disappear. The whole system
behaves like a single, sometimes macroscopic, object, but in this case
acting via the rules of quantum mechanics, rather than classical me-
chanics.
As a result, a Bose-Einstein condensate can have exotic properties,
the way laser light can behave very differently from normal light coming
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from flashlights. Since a Bose-Einstein condensate is a huge amalga-
mation of what would otherwise be individual noninteracting particles,
now tied together into a single quantum state, creating such a conden-
sate required exotic and special atomic physics experiments. The first
direct observation of such a condensation from a gas of particles did not
take place until 1995, by the US physicists Carl Wieman and Eric Cor-
nell, another feat that was deemed worthy of a Nobel Prize.
What makes the possibility of such a condensation inside bulk ma-
terials such as mercury so strange is that the fundamental particles
initially involved are electrons—which not only normally repel other
electrons, but in addition have spin 1/2 and, as fermions, have precisely
the opposite behavior of bosons, as I described above.
But when the Cooper pairs form, the two electrons each act in con-
cert, and since both of them have spin 1/2, the combined object has
integral (2 x 54) spin. Voile, a new kind of boson is created. The lowest-
energy state of the system, to which it relaxes at low temperature, is a
condensate of Cooper pairs—all condensed into a single state. When
that happens, the properties of the material change completely.
Before the condensate forms, when a voltage is applied to a wire,
individual electrons begin to move to form an electric current. As they
bump into atoms along the way, they dissipate energy, producing an
electrical resistance that we are all familiar with, and heating up the
wire. Once the condensate forms, however, the individual electrons and
even each Cooper pair no longer have any individual identity. Like the
Borg in Star Trek, they have assimilated into a collective. When a cur-
rent is applied, the whole condensate moves as one entity.
Now, if the condensate were to bounce off an individual atom, the
trajectory of the whole condensate would change. But this would take
a lot of energy, much more than would have been required to redirect
the flow of an individual electron. Classically we can think of the result
as follows: at low temperatures, not enough heat energy is available in
the random jittering of atoms to cause a change of motion of the bulk
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condensate of particles. It would again be like trying to move a truck by
throwing popcorn at it. Quantum mechanically the result is similar. In
this case we would say that to change the configuration of the conden-
sate would require the whole condensate of particles to shift by a large
fixed amount to a new quantum state that differs in energy from the
state it is in. But no such energy is available from the thermal bath at low
temperature. Alternatively, we might wonder if the collision could break
apart two electrons from a Cooper pair in the condensate—sort of like
knocking off the rearview mirror when a truck collides with a post. But
at low temperatures everything is moving too slowly for that to happen.
So the current flows unimpeded. The Borg would say, resistance is futile.
But in this case resistance is simply nonexistent. A current, once initi-
ated, will flow forever, even if the battery initially attached to the wire
is removed.
This was the Bardeen-Cooper-Schrieffer (BCS) theory of supercon-
ductivity, a remarkable piece of work, which ultimately explained all of
the experimental properties of superconductors such as mercury. These
new properties signal that the ground state of the system has changed
from what it had been before it became a superconductor, and like ice
crystals on a window, these new properties reflect spontaneous sym-
metry breaking. In superconductors the breaking of symmetry is not
as visually obvious as it is in the ice crystals on a windowpane, but it is
there, under the surface.
Mathematically, the signature of this symmetry breaking is that sud-
denly, once the condensate of Cooper pairs forms, a large minimum en-
ergy is now required to change the configuration of the whole material.
The condensate acts like a macroscopic object with some large mass.
The generation of such a "mass gap" (as it is called—expressed as the
minimum energy it takes to break the system out of its superconducting
state) is a hallmark of the symmetry-breaking transition that produces
a superconductor.
You might be wondering what all of this, as interesting as it might be,
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has to do with the story we have been focusing on, namely understand-
ing the fundamental forces of nature. With the benefit of hindsight, the
connection will be clear. However, in the tangled and confused world
of particle physics in the 19505 and '6os the road to enlightenment was
not so direct.
In 1956, Yoichiro Nambu, who had recently moved to the Univer-
sity of Chicago, heard a seminar by Robert Schrieffer on what would
become the BCS theory of superconductivity, and it left a deep impres-
sion on him. He, like most others interested in particle physics at the
time, had been wrestling with how the familiar particles that make up
atomic nuclei—protons and neutrons—fit within the particle zoo and
the jungle of interactions associated with their production and decay.
Nambu, like others, was struck by the almost identical masses of the
proton and the neutron. It seemed to him, as it had to Yang and Mills,
that some underlying principle in nature must produce such a result.
Nambu, however, speculated that the example of superconductivity
might provide a vital clue—in particular the appearance of a new char-
acteristic energy scale associated with the excitation energy required to
break apart the Cooper-pair condensate.
For three years Nambu explored how to adapt this idea to symmetry
breaking in particle physics. He proposed a model by which a similar
condensate of some fields that might exist in nature and the minimum
energy to create excitations out of this condensate state could be charac-
teristic of the large mass/energy associated with protons and neutrons.
Independently, he and the physicist Jeffrey Goldstone discovered that
a hallmark of such symmetry breaking would be the existence of other
massless particles, now called Nambu-Goldstone (NG) bosons, whose
interactions with other matter would also reflect the nature of the sym-
metry breaking. An analogy of sorts can be made here to a more familiar
system such as an ice crystal. Such a system spontaneously breaks the
symmetry under spatial translation because moving in one direction
things look very different from when moving in another direction. But
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in such a crystal, tiny vibrations of individual atoms in the crystal about
their resting positions are possible. These vibrational modes—called
phonons, as I have mentioned—can store arbitrarily small amounts of
energy. In the quantum world of particle physics, these modes would
be reflected as Nambu-Goldstone massless particles, because where the
equivalence between energy and mass is manifest, excitations that carry
little or no energy correspond to massless particles.
And, lo and behold, the pions discovered by Powell closely fit the bill.
They are not exactly massless, but they are much lighter than all other
strongly interacting particles. Their interactions with other particles
have the characteristics one would expect of NG bosons, which might
exist if some symmetry-breaking phenomenon existed in nature with
a scale of excitation energy that might correspond to the mass/energy
scale of protons and neutrons.
But, in spite of the importance of Nambu's work, he and almost all of
his colleagues in the field overlooked a related but much deeper conse-
quence of the spontaneous symmetry breaking in the theory of super-
conductivity that later provided the key to unlock the true mystery of
the strong and weak nuclear forces. Nambu's focus on symmetry break-
ing was inspired, but the analogies that he and others drew to supercon-
ductivity were incomplete.
It seems that we are much closer to the physicists on that ice crystal
on the windowpane than we ever imagined. But just as one might imag-
ine would be the case for those physicists, this myopia was not immedi-
ately obvious to the physics community.
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Chapter 15
LIVING INSIDE A
SUPERCONDUCTOR
Everyone lies to their neighbor; they flatter with their
lips but harbor deception in their hearts.
-PSALMS 12:2
The mistakes of the past may seem obvious with the ben-
efit of hindsight, but remember that objects viewed in the rearview mir-
ror are often closer than they appear. It is easy to castigate our
predecessors for what they missed, but what is confusing to us today
may be obvious to our descendants. When working on the edge, we
travel a path often shrouded in fog.
The analogy to superconductivity first exploited by Nambu is use-
ful, but largely for reasons very different from what Nambu and others
imagined at the time. In hindsight the answer may seem almost obvi-
ous, just as the little clues that reveal the murderer in Agatha Christie
stories are clear after the solution. But, as in her mysteries, we also find
lots of red herrings, and these blind alleys make the eventual resolution
even more surprising.
We can empathize with the confusion in particle physics at the time.
New accelerators were coming online, and every time a new collision-
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energy threshold was reached, new strongly interacting cousins of neu-
trons and protons were produced. The process seemed as if it would be
endless. This embarrassment of riches meant that both theorists and
experimentalists were driven to focus on the mystery of the strong nu-
clear force, which seemed to be where the biggest challenge to existing
theory lay.
A potentially infinite number of elementary particles with ever-
higher masses seemed to characterize the microscopic world. But this
was incompatible with all the ideas of quantum field theory—the suc-
cessful framework that had so beautifully provided an understanding of
the relativistic quantum behavior of electrons and photons.
Berkeley physicist Geoffrey Chew led the development of a popu-
lar, influential program to address this problem. Chew gave up the
idea that any truly fundamental particles exist and also gave up on any
microscopic quantum theory that involved pointlike particles and the
quantum fields associated with them. Instead, he assumed that all of
the observed strongly interacting particles were not pointlike, but com-
plicated, bound states of other particles. In this sense, there could be
no reduction to primary fundamental objects. In this Zen-like picture,
appropriate to Berkeley in the 196os, all particles were thought to be
made up of other particles—the so-called bootstrap model, in which no
elementary particles were primary or special. So this approach was also
called nuclear democracy.
While this approach captivated many physicists who had given up
on quantum field theory as a tool to describe any interactions other
than the simple ones between electrons and photons, a few scientists
were sufficiently impressed by the success of quantum electrodynam-
ics to try to mimic it in a theory of the strong nuclear force—or strong
interaction, as it has become known—along the lines earlier advocated
by Yang and Mills.
One of these physicists, J. J. Sakurai, published a paper in 1960 rather
ambitiously titled "Theory of Strong Interactions." Sakurai took the
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Yang-Mills suggestion seriously and tried to explore precisely which
photonlike particles might convey a strong force between protons and
neutrons and the other newly observed particles. Because the strong
interaction was short-range—spanning just the size of the nucleus at
best—it seemed the particles required to convey the force would be
massive, which was incompatible with any exact gauge symmetry. But
otherwise, they would have many properties similar to the photon's,
having spin i, or a so-called vector spin. The new predicted particles
were thus dubbed massive vector mesons. They would couple to vari-
ous currents of strongly interacting particles similar to the way photons
couple to currents of electrically charged particles.
Particles with the general properties of the vector mesons predicted
by Sakurai were discovered experimentally over the next two years, and
the idea that they might somehow yield the secret of the strong interac-
tion was exploited to try to make sense of the otherwise complex inter-
actions between nucleons and other particles.
In response to this notion that some kind of Yang-Mills symmetry
might be behind the strong interaction, Murray Gell-Mann developed
an elegant symmetry scheme he labeled in a Zen-like fashion the Eight-
fold Way. It not only allowed a classification of eight different vector me-
sons, but also predicted the existence of thus-far-unobserved strongly
interacting particles. The idea that these newly proposed symmetries
of nature might help bring order to what otherwise seemed a hopeless
menagerie of elementary particles was so exciting that, when his pre-
dicted particle was subsequently discovered, it led to a Nobel Prize for
Gell-Mann.
But Gell-Mann is remembered most often for a more fundamen-
tal idea. He, and independently George Zweig, introduced what Gell-
Mann called quarks—a word borrowed from James Joyce's Finnegans
Wake—which would physically help explain the symmetry properties
of his Eightfold Way. If quarks, which Gell-Mann viewed simply as a
nice mathematical accounting tool (just as Faraday had earlier viewed
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his proposal of electric and magnetic fields), were imagined to comprise
all strongly interacting particles such as protons and neutrons, the sym-
metry and properties of the known particles could be predicted. Once
again, the smell of a grand synthesis that would unify diverse particles
and forces into a coherent whole appeared to be in the air.
I cannot stress how significant the quark hypothesis was. While
Gell-Mann did not advocate that his quarks were real physical parti-
cles inside protons and neutrons, his categorization scheme meant that
symmetry considerations might ultimately determine the nature not
only of the strong interaction, but of all fundamental particles in nature.
However, while one sort of symmetry might govern the structure of
matter, the possibility that this symmetry might be extended to some
kind of Yang-Mills gauge symmetry that would govern the forces be-
tween particles seemed no closer. The nagging problem of the observed
masses of the vector mesons meant that they could not truly reflect any
underlying gauge symmetry of the strong interaction in a way that could
unambiguously determine its form and potentially ensure that it made
quantum-mechanical sense. Any Yang-Mills extension of quantum elec-
trodynamics required the new photonlike particles to be massless. Period.
Faced with this apparent impasse, an unexpected wake-up call from
superconductivity provided another, more subtle, and ultimately more
profound, possibility.
The first person to stir the embers was a theorist who worked di-
rectly in the field of condensed matter physics associated with super-
conductivity in materials. Philip Anderson, at Princeton, later a Nobel
laureate for other work, suggested that one of the most fundamental,
ubiquitous phenomena in superconductors might be worth exploring in
the context of particle physics.
One of the most dramatic demonstrations one can perform with su-
perconductors, especially the new high-temperature superconductors that
allow superconductivity to become manifest at liquid-nitrogen tempera-
tures, is to levitate a magnet above the superconductor as shown below:
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Pnotopapn biPm
This is possible for a reason discovered in an experiment in 1933 by
Walther Meissner and colleagues, explained by theorists Fritz and Heinz
London two years later, which goes by the name the Meissner effect.
As Faraday and Maxwell discovered sixty years earlier, electric
charges respond in different ways to magnetic and electric fields. In par-
ticular, Faraday discovered that a changing magnetic field can cause a
current to flow in a distant wire. Equally important, but which I didn't
emphasize earlier, is that the resulting current will flow in a way that
produces a new magnetic field in a direction that counters the changing
external magnetic field. Thus, if the external field is decreasing, the cur-
rent generated will produce a magnetic field that counters that decrease.
If it is increasing, the current generated will be in an opposite direction,
producing a magnetic field that works to counter that increase.
You may have noticed that when you are talking on your cell phone
and get in certain elevators, particularly ones in which the outer part of
the elevator cage is encased in metal, when the door closes your call gets
dropped. This is an example of something called a Faraday cage. Since
the phone signal is being received as an electromagnetic wave, the metal
shields you from the outside signal because currents flow in the metal
in a way that counters the changing electric and magnetic fields in the
signal, diminishing its strength inside the elevator.
If you had a perfect conductor, with no resistance, the charges in the
metal could essentially cancel any effects of the outside changing elec-
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tromagnetic field. No signal of these changing fields—i.e., no telephone
signal—would remain to be detected inside the elevator. Moreover, a
perfect conductor will also shield out the effects of any constant exter-
nal electric field, since the charges can realign in the superconductor in
response to any field and completely cancel it out.
But the Meissner effect goes beyond this. In a superconductor, all
magnetic fields—even constant magnetic fields such as those due to the
magnet above—cannot penetrate into the superconductor. This is be-
cause, when you slowly bring a magnet in closer from a large distance,
the superconductor generates a current to counter the changing mag-
netic field that increases as the magnet approaches. But since the mate-
rial is superconducting, the current continues to flow and does not stop
if you stop moving the magnet. Then as you bring the magnet in closer,
a larger current flows to counter the new increase. And so on. Thus,
because electric currents can flow without dissipation in a supercon-
ductor, not only are electric fields shielded, but so are magnetic fields.
This is why magnets levitate above superconductors. The currents in the
superconductor expel the magnetic field due to the external magnet,
and this repels the magnet just as if another magnet were at the surface
of the superconductor with north pole facing north pole or south pole
facing south pole.
The London brothers, who first attempted to explain the Meissner
effect, derived an equation describing this phenomenon inside a su-
perconductor. The result was suggestive. Each different type of super-
conductor would create a unique characteristic length scale below the
surface of the superconductor—determined by the microscopic nature
of the supercurrents that are created to compensate any external field—
and any external magnetic field would be canceled on this length scale.
This is called the London penetration depth. The depth is different for
different superconductors and depends on their detailed microphysics
in a way the brothers couldn't determine since they didn't have a micro-
scopic theory of superconductivity at the time.
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Nevertheless, the presence of a penetration depth is striking because
it implies that the electromagnetic field behaves differently inside a su-
perconductor—it is no longer long-range. But if electromagnetic fields
become short-range inside the surface, then the carrier of electromag-
netic forces must behave differently. The net effect? The photon behaves
as if it has mass inside the superconductor.
In superconductors, virtual photons—and the electric and magnetic
fields they mediate—can only propagate below the surface through a
distance comparable to the London penetration depth, just as would be
the case if electromagnetism inside the superconductor resulted from
the exchange of massive—not massless—photons.
Now imagine what it would be like to live inside a superconductor.
To you, electromagnetism would be a short-range force, photons would
be massive, and all the familiar physics that we associate with electro-
magnetism as a long-range force would disappear.
I want to emphasize how remarkable this is. No experiment you
could perform within the superconductor, as long as it remained su-
perconducting, would reveal that photons are massless in the outside
world. If you were Plato's philosopher inside such a superconductor, you
would have to intuit an incredible amount about the outside world be-
fore you could infer that a mysterious and invisible phenomenon was
the cause of an illusion. It might take several thousand years of thinking
and experiment before you or your descendants could guess the nature
of the reality underlying the shadow world in which you live, or be-
fore you could build a device with enough energy to break apart Cooper
pairs and melt the superconducting state, restoring electromagnetism
to its normal form, and revealing the photon to be massless.
In retrospect, we physicists might have expected, just on the grounds
of symmetry, and without considering the Meissner effect directly, that
photons should behave as massive particles inside a superconductor. The
Cooper-pair condensate, being made of electron pairs, has a net electric
charge. This breaks the gauge symmetry of electromagnetism because
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in this background any positive charges one adds to the material will
behave differently from negative charges added to the material. So now
there is a real distinction between positive and negative. But recall that
the masslessness of photons is a sign that the electromagnetic field is
long-range, and the long-range nature of the electromagnetic field re-
flects that it allows local variations in the definition of electric charge
in one place to not affect the physics globally throughout the material.
But if gauge invariance is gone, then local variations in the definition of
electric charge will have a real physical effect, so there can be no such
long-range field that cancels out such variations. One way to get rid of a
long-range field is to make the photon massive.
Now the $64,000 question: Could something like this happen in the
world in which we find ourselves living? Could the masses of heavy pho-
tonlike particles arise because we are actually living in something akin
to a cosmic superconductor? This was the fascinating question that An-
derson raised, at least by analogy with regular superconductors.
Before we can answer this question, we need to understand a techni-
cal bit of wizardry that allows the generation of mass for a photon in a
superconductor.
Recall that in an electromagnetic wave the electric (E) and magnetic
(B) fields oscillate back and forth in directions that are perpendicular to
the direction of the wave, as shown:
Since there are two perpendicular directions, one could draw an
electromagnetic wave in two ways. The wave could look like that shown
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above, or one could interchange the E and B fields. This reflects that
electromagnetic waves have two degrees of freedom, which are called
two different polarizations.
This arises from the gauge invariance of electromagnetism, or equiv-
alently from the masslessness of photons. If, however, photons had a
mass, then not only would gauge invariance be broken, but a third pos-
sibility can arise. The electric and magnetic fields could oscillate along
the direction of motion, instead of just oscillating perpendicular to this
direction. (Since the photons will no longer be traveling at the speed of
light, oscillations along the direction of motion of the particles become
possible.)
But this means that the corresponding massive photons would have
three degrees of freedom, not just two. How can photons pick up this
extra degree of freedom in superconductors?
Anderson explored this issue in superconductors, and its resolution
is intimately related to a fact that I described earlier. In the absence of
electromagnetic interactions in a superconductor, it's possible to pro-
duce slight spatial variations in the Cooper-pair condensate that would
have arbitrarily small energy cost because Cooper pairs would not in-
teract with each other. However, when electromagnetism is taken into
account, those low-energy modes (which would destroy superconduc-
tivity) disappear precisely because of the interactions of the charges in
the condensate with the electromagnetic field. That interaction causes
photons in the superconductor to behave as if they are massive. The new
polarization mode of the massive photons in the superconductor comes
about as the condensate oscillates in response to the passing electro-
magnetic wave.
In particle physics language, the massless Nambu-Goldstone modes
that correspond to the particle version of the otherwise vanishingly
small energy oscillations in the condensate get "eaten" by the electro-
magnetic field, giving photons a mass, and a new degree of freedom,
making the electromagnetic force short-range in the superconductor.
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Anderson suggested that this phenomenon—whereby the other-
wise massless photon disappears in superconductors and the otherwise
massless Nambu-Goldstone mode also disappears, and the two combine
to produce a massive photon—might be relevant for the long-standing
problem of creating massive Yang-Mills photonlike particles that might
be associated with strong nuclear forces.
Anderson stopped short at this point and left hanging the suggestion
that this mechanism, motivated by analogy to superconductors, might
be applicable in particle theory. Just as when Nambu had stopped short
by considering spontaneous symmetry breaking in particle physics using
the analogy of superconductivity but did not exploit the phenomenon
associated with superconductivity that Anderson later focused on—the
Meissner effect that gives mass to photons in superconductors—the ex-
plicit application of all these ideas to particle physics was yet to occur.
As a result, the possible profound implications of superconductiv-
ity for understanding fundamental particle physics were not immedi-
ately recognized by the physics community and remained hidden in the
shadows.
Still, the notion that we might live in some kind of cosmic supercon-
ductor stretches credulity. After all, humans are capable of generating
wild stories to explain what is otherwise not understood, inventing fan-
tastical and hidden causes, such as gods and demons. Was the claimed
existence of some hidden condensate of fields throughout space to ex-
plain the nature of what were otherwise inexplicable strong nuclear
forces any more plausible?
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THE BEARABLE HEAVINESS
OF BEING: SYMMETRY
BROKEN, PHYSICS FIXED
Gather up the fragments that remain, that
nothing be lost.
-JOHN 6:12
There is remarkable poetry in nature, as there often is in
human dramas. And in my favorite epic poems from ancient Greece,
written even as Plato was writing about his cave, there emerges a com-
mon theme: the discovery of a beautiful treasure previously hidden from
view, unearthed by a small and fortunate band of unlikely travelers, who,
after its discovery, are changed forever.
Oh, to be so lucky. That possibility drove me to study physics, be-
cause the romance of possibly discovering some new and beautiful hid-
den corner of nature for the first time had an irresistible allure. This
story is all about those moments when the poetry of nature merges with
the poetry of human existence.
Much poetry exists in almost every aspect of the episodes I am about
to describe, but to see it clearly requires the proper perspective. Today,
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in the second decade of the twenty-first century, we might easily agree
about which of the great theories of the twentieth century are most
beautiful. But to appreciate the real drama of the progress of science,
one has to understand that, at the time they are proposed, beautiful
theories often aren't as seductive as they are years later—like a fine wine,
or a distant love.
So it was that the ideas of Yang and Mills, and Schwinger and the
rest, based on the mathematical poetry of gauge symmetry, failed at the
time to inspire or compete with the idea that quantum field theory, with
quantum electrodynamics as its most beautiful poster child, wasn't a
productive approach to describe the other forces in nature—the weak
and strong nuclear forces. For forces such as these, operating on short
ranges appropriate to the scale of atomic nuclei, many felt that new rules
must apply, and that the old techniques were misplaced.
So too the subsequent attempts by Nambu and Anderson to apply
ideas from the physics of materials—called many-body physics, or con-
densed matter physics—to the subatomic realm were dismissed by
many particle physicists, who deeply distrusted whether this emerg-
ing field could provide any new insights for "fundamental" physics. The
skepticism in the community was expressed by the delightful theorist
Victor Weisskopf, who was reported to have said at a seminar at Cornell,
"Particle physicists are so desperate these days that they have to bor-
row from the new things coming up in many-body physics.... Perhaps
something will come of it."
There was some basis for the skepticism. Nambu had, after all, ar-
gued that spontaneous symmetry breaking might explain the large and
similar masses of protons and neutrons, and he hoped it might do so
while explaining why the pion was so much lighter. But the ideas he bor-
rowed had at their foundation the understanding that the hallmark of
spontaneous symmetry breaking was the existence of exactly massless,
not very light, particles.
Anderson's work was also interesting, to be sure. But because it
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was written down in the context of a nonrelativistic condensed matter
setting—combined with its violating Goldstone's theorem from particle
physics, which implied that symmetry breaking and massless particles
were inseparable—meant that his claim that massless states disap-
peared in his example—in electromagnetism in superconductors—was
largely also ignored by particle physicists.
Julian Schwinger, however, had not given up the idea that a Yang-
Mills gauge theory might explain nuclear forces, and he had continued
to argue that the Yang-Mills versions of photons could be massive, albeit
without demonstrating how this could come to pass.
Schwinger's work caught the attention of a mild-mannered young
British theorist, Peter Higgs, who was then a lecturer in mathemati-
cal physics at the University of Edinburgh. A gentle soul, no one would
imagine him to be a revolutionary. But reluctant revolutionary he was,
although, due to some shortsighted journal editors, he almost didn't get
the chance.
In 1960 Higgs had just taken up his post and had been asked to
serve on the committee that coordinated the first Scottish Universities
Summer School in Physics. This became a venerable school, devoted to
different areas of physics. Every four years or so, during three weeks, ad-
vanced graduate students and young postdocs would attend lectures on
particle physics by senior scientists amid meals lubricated by fine wine
and, afterward, hearty whiskey. Among the students that year were the
future Nobelists Sheldon Glashow and Martinus Veltman, and Nicola
Cabibbo, who in my opinion should also have won the prize. Apparently
Higgs, who had been made the wine steward, noticed that these three
students never made the morning lectures. They apparently spent the
evenings debating physics while drinking wine that they sneaked out of
the dining room during meals. Higgs didn't have the opportunity to join
the discussions then and therefore didn't learn from Glashow about his
novel proposal for unifying the electromagnetic and weak forces, which
he had already submitted for publication.
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The Scottish summer schools have a poetry of their own. They rotate
around the country and periodically return to the beautiful coastal city
of St. Andrews, right next to the famous Old Course, the birthplace of
golf. In 1980 at St. Andrews, Glashow, fresh from having won a Nobel
Prize, and Gerardus 't Hooft, a famous former student of Veltman's, lec-
tured at the school, and I was privileged to attend as a graduate student.
I arrived late and got the smallest room, up in an attic overlooking
the Old Course, and enjoyed not only the physics, but also the alcohol,
as well as being fleeced for free drinks by one of the lecturers, Oxford
physicist Graham Ross, at a miniature-golf putting range next door
nicknamed the Himalayas, for good reason. Besides being a physicist of
almost otherworldly ability, 't Hooft is also a remarkable artist. He won
the 1980 summer school's annual T-shirt design contest, and I still have
my autographed 't Hooft T-shirt. Can't bear to part with it, even as eBay
beckons. (Twenty years after that program, in z000, I returned to the
summer school, but this time as a lecturer. Unlike Glashow, 't Hooft,
Veltman, and Higgs, I didn't return with a Nobel Prize, but I finally got
to wear a kilt. Another bucket-list item ticked.)
Following Higgs's stint at the summer school in 1960, he began to
study the literature on symmetry and symmetry breaking, examin-
ing the work of Nambu, Goldstone, Salam, Weinberg, and Anderson.
Higgs became depressed by the seemingly hopeless task of reconciling
Goldstone's theorem with the possibility of massive Yang-Mills vector
particles that might mediate the strong force. Then in 1964, the magical
year when Gell-Mann introduced quarks, Higgs read two papers that
gave him hope.
First was a paper by Abraham Klein and Ben Lee—who, before he
died in a car crash while driving to a physics meeting, was one of the
brightest upcoming particle physicists in the world. They suggested a
way to avoid Goldstone's theorem and get rid of otherwise unobserved
massless particles in quantum field theories.
Next, Walter Gilbert, a young physicist at Harvard who would soon
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decide to leave the confusion dominating particle physics for the greener
pastures of molecular biology—where he too would win a Nobel Prize,
in this case for helping to develop DNA-sequencing techniques—wrote
a paper showing that the proposed solution of Klein and Lee's appeared
to introduce a conflict with relativity and therefore was suspect.
As we've seen, gauge theories have the interesting property that you
can arbitrarily change the definition of positive versus negative charges
at each point in space without changing any of the observable physical
properties of the system, as long as you allow the electromagnetic field
to have the interactions it has and to also change in a way that prop-
erly accounts for this new local variation. As a result, you can perform
mathematical calculations in any gauge—that is, using any specific local
definitions of charges and fields consistent with the symmetry. A sym-
metry transformation will take you from one gauge to another.
Even though the theory might look quite different in these differ-
ent gauges, the symmetry of the theory ensures that calculations of any
physically measurable quantity are independent of the gauge choice—
namely that the apparent differences are illusions that do not reflect the
underlying physics that determines the measured values of all physically
observable quantities. Thus one could choose whichever gauge made
the calculation easier to do and expect to arrive at the same predictions
for physically observable quantities by calculating in any other gauge.
As Higgs read Schwinger's papers, Higgs realized that some gauge
choices could appear to have the same conflict with relativity that Gil-
bert had pointed out as plaguing Klein and Lee's proposal. But this ap-
parent conflict was simply an artifact of that choice of gauge. In other
gauges it disappeared. Therefore it didn't reflect any real conflict with
relativity when it came to making physical predictions that could be
tested. Maybe in a gauge theory Klein and Lee's proposal for getting rid
of massless particles associated with spontaneous symmetry breaking
might be workable after all.
Higgs concluded that spontaneous symmetry breaking in a quantum
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field theory setting involving a gauge symmetry might obviate Goldstone's
theorem and produce a mass for vector bosons that might mediate the
strong nuclear force without any leftover massless particles. This would
correlate with Anderson's finding of electromagnetism in superconduc-
tors in the nonrelativistic case. In other words, the strong force could be a
short-range force because of spontaneous symmetry breaking.
Higgs worked for a weekend or two to write down a model adding
electromagnetism to the model Goldstone had used to explore sponta-
neous symmetry breaking. Higgs found just what he had expected: the
otherwise massless mode that would have been predicted by Goldstone's
theorem became instead the additional polarization degree of freedom
of a now massive photon. In other words, Anderson's nonrelativistic ar-
gument in superconductors did carry over to relativistic quantum fields.
The universe could behave like a superconductor after all.
When Higgs wrote up his result and submitted it to the European
journal Physics Letters, the paper was promptly rejected. The referee sim-
ply didn't think it was relevant to particle physics. So, Higgs added some
passages commenting on possible observable consequences of his idea
and submitted it to the US journal Physical Review Letters. In particular,
he added, "It is worth noting that an essential feature of this type of theory
is the prediction of incomplete multiplets of scalar and vector bosons."
In English this means that Higgs demonstrated that while one could
remove the massless scalar particle (aka Goldstone boson) in favor of a
massive vector particle (massive photon) in his model, there would also
exist a leftover massive scalar (i.e., spinless) boson particle associated
with the field whose condensate broke the symmetry in the first place.
The Higgs boson was born.
Physical Review Letters promptly accepted the paper, but the referee
asked Higgs to comment on the relation of his paper to a paper by Fran-
cois Englert and Robert Brout that had been received by the journal a
month or so earlier. Much to Higgs's surprise, they had independently ar-
rived at essentially the same conclusions. Indeed, the similarity between
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the papers is made clear by their titles. Higgs's paper was called "Broken
Symmetries and the Masses of Gauge Bosons." The Englert and Brout
paper was entitled "Broken Symmetry and the Mass of Gauge Vector Me-
sons." It is hard to imagine a closer match without coordinating names.
As if to add to the remarkable serendipity, twenty years later Higgs
met Nambu at a conference and learned that Nambu had refereed both
papers. How much more fitting could it be that the man who first brought
the ideas of symmetry breaking and superconductivity to particle phys-
ics should referee the papers of the people who would demonstrate just
how prescient this idea was. And like Nambu, all of these authors were
fixated on the strong interaction, and on the possibility of figuring out
how protons, neutrons, and mesons could have large masses.
Illustrating that the time was ripe for this discovery, within a month
or so another team, Gerald Guralnik, C. R. Hagen, and Tom Kibble, also
published a paper including many of the same ideas.
You may wonder why we call it the Higgs boson and not the Higgs-
Brout-Englert-Guralnik-Hagen-Kibble boson. Besides the obvious answer
that this label doesn't trip lightly off the tongue, of all the papers the only
one to explicitly predict an accompanying massive scalar boson in mas-
sive gauge theories with spontaneous symmetry breaking was Higgs's
paper. And, interestingly, Higgs only included the extra remark because
the original version of his paper without that remark had been rejected.
One last bit of poetry. A couple of years after the original paper was
published, Higgs completed a longer paper and was invited (in 1966) to
speak at several locations in the USA, where he was spending a sabbati-
cal year. After Higgs's talk at Harvard, where Sheldon Glashow was now
a professor, Glashow apparently complimented him on having invented
a "nice model" and moved on. Such was the fixation on the strong in-
teraction that Glashow didn't realize then that this might be the key to
resolving the issues in the weak interaction theory he had published five
years earlier.
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Part Three
REVELATION
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Chapter 17
THE WRONG PLACE AT THE
RIGHT TIME
Be not deceived: evil communications corrupt
good manners.
-I COR:11THiANS 15:33
Al of the six authors of the papers that describe what is
most commonly called the Higgs mechanism (though after the recent
Nobel Prize that Higgs shared with Englert, some are now calling it the
BEH mechanism, for Brout, Englert, and Higgs) suspected and hoped
that their work would help in understanding the strong force in nuclei.
In their papers, any discussions of possible experimental probes of their
ideas referenced the strong interaction—and in particular Sakurai's pro-
posal of heavy vector mesons mediating this force. They hoped that a
theory of the strong interaction that explained nuclear masses and
short-range strong nuclear forces was around the corner.
Besides the general fascination with the strong nuclear force in nu-
clear physics, I suspect physicists tried to apply their new ideas to this
theory for another reason. Given the range and strength of this force,
the masses of new Yang-Mills-like particles that would be necessary to
mediate the strong interaction would be comparable to the masses of
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protons and neutrons themselves and also of the other new particles
being discovered in accelerators. Since experimental confirmation is the
highest honor that theorists can achieve, it was natural to focus on un-
derstanding physics at these accessible energy scales, where new ideas,
and new particles, could be quickly tested and explored in existing ma-
chines—with fame, if not fortune, around the corner. By contrast, as
Schwinger had shown, any theory involving new particles associated
with the weak force would require them to have masses several orders
of magnitude larger than those available at accelerators at the time. This
was clearly a problem to be considered at a later time, or so most physi-
cists thought.
One of the many people who were fascinated by the physics of the
strong interaction was the young theorist Steven Weinberg. There is po-
etry here as well. Weinberg grew up in New York City and attended
the Bronx High School of Science, from which he graduated in 195o.
One of his high school classmates was Sheldon Glashow, and the two of
them moved together to study at Cornell University, living together in
a temporary dorm there in their first semester before going their sepa-
rate ways. While Glashow went to Harvard for graduate school, Wein-
berg moved on to Copenhagen—where Glashow would spend time as
a postdoc—before arriving at Princeton to complete his PhD. Both of
them were on the faculty at Berkeley in the early 196os, leaving in the
same year, 1966, for Harvard, where Glashow took up a professorship
and Weinberg took a visiting position while on leave from Berkeley.
Weinberg then moved to MIT in 1967, only to return to Harvard in
1973 to take the same chair and office that had been vacated by Julian
Schwinger, Glashow's former supervisor. (When Weinberg moved into
the office, he found in the closet a pair of shoes that Schwinger had left,
clearly as a challenge to the younger scientist to try to fill them. He did.)
When Weinberg left Harvard in 1982, Glashow then moved to occupy
the same chair and office, but no shoes were left in the closet.
The lives of these two scientists were intertwined perhaps as closely
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as those of any other scientists in recent times, yet they form an inter-
esting contrast. Glashow's brilliance is combined with an almost child-
like enthusiasm for science. His strength lies in his creativity and his
understanding of the experimental landscape and not so much in his
detailed calculational abilities. By contrast, Weinberg is perhaps the
most scholarly and serious (about physics) physicist I have ever known.
While he has a wonderful ironic sense of humor, he never undertakes
any physics project lightly, without the intent of mastering the relevant
field. His physics textbooks are masterpieces, and his popular writing
is lucid and full of wisdom. An avid reader of ancient history Weinberg
fully communicates the historical perspective not only on what he is
doing, but on the whole physics enterprise.
Weinberg's approach to physics is like that of a steamroller. When I
was at Harvard, we postdocs used to call Weinberg "Big Steve." When he
was working on a problem, the best thing you could do was get out of the
way, or you would be rolled over by the immense power of his intellect and
energy.Earlier, before I moved to Harvard and was still at MIT, a friend
of mine at the time, Lawrence Hall, was a graduate student at Harvard.
Lawrence was ahead of me in his work, graduating before me. He told me
that he was only able to complete the work that became his thesis with
Weinberg because Weinberg had just won the Nobel Prize in 1979, and the
ensuing hubbub forced him to slow down enough so that Lawrence could
complete his calculations before Weinberg beat him to the punch.
One of the great fortunes of my life was to have the opportunity to
work closely with both Glashow and Weinberg during the early and for-
mative years of my own career. After Glashow helped rescue me from
the black hole of mathematical physics, he became my collaborator at
Harvard and for years later. Weinberg taught me much of what I know
about particle theory. At MIT one doesn't have to take courses, just pass
exams, so I only took one or two physics courses at MIT while working
toward my PhD. But one of the perks of being at MIT was that I could
take classes at Harvard. I took or sat in on every graduate class that
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Weinberg taught during my graduate career, from quantum field theory
onward. Glashow and Weinberg formed complementary role models for
my own career. At my best I've tried to emulate aspects I learned from
each of them, while recognizing that most often my "best" wasn't much
in comparison.
Weinberg had, and has, a broad and abiding interest in the details of
quantum field theory, and like many others during the early 1960s, he
tried to focus on how one might understand the nature of the strong
interaction using ideas of symmetry that, in large part due to the work
of Gell-Mann, so dominated the field at the time.
Weinberg too was thinking about the possible application of ideas of
symmetry breaking to understanding nuclear masses, based on Nambu's
work, and like Higgs, Weinberg was quite disappointed by Goldstone's
result that massless particles would always accompany such physics. So
Weinberg decided, as he almost always did when he was interested in
some physics idea, that he needed to prove it to himself. Thus his sub-
sequent paper with Goldstone and Salam provided several independent
proofs of the theorem in the context of strongly interacting particles and
fields. Weinberg was so despondent about possible explanations of the
strong interaction using spontaneous symmetry breaking that he added
an epigraph to the draft of the paper that echoed Lear's response to Corde-
lia: "Nothing will come of nothing: speak again? (My book A Universe
from Nothing makes plain why I am not a big fan of this quote. Quantum
mechanics blurs the distinction between something and nothing.)
Weinberg subsequently learned about Higgs's (and others') result
that one could get rid of unwanted massless Goldstone bosons that
occur through symmetry breaking if the symmetry being broken was
a gauge symmetry—where in this case the massless Goldstone bosons
would disappear and otherwise massless gauge bosons would become
massive—but Weinberg wasn't particularly impressed, viewing it as
many other physicists did, as an interesting technicality.
Moreover, in the early 196os the idea that the pion resembled in many
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ways a Goldstone boson was useful in deriving some approximate for-
mulas for certain strong interaction reaction rates. Thus, the notion of
getting rid of Goldstone bosons in the strong interaction became less
attractive. Weinberg spent several years during this period exploring
these ideas. He worked out a theory whereby some symmetries that were
thought to be associated with the strong interaction might become bro-
ken spontaneously, and various strongly interacting vector gauge par-
ticles that convey the strong interaction might get masses via the Higgs
mechanism. The problem was he couldn't get agreement with observa-
tions without spoiling the initial gauge symmetry that would protect the
theory. The only way he could avoid this and preserve the initial gauge
symmetry he needed was if some vector particles became massive, and
others remained massless. But this disagreed with experiment.
Then one day in 2967 while driving in to MIT, he saw the light, liter-
ally and metaphorically. (I have driven with Steve in Boston, and while
I have lived to talk about it, I have seen how when he is thinking about
physics, all awareness of large masses such as other cars disappears.)
Weinberg suddenly realized that maybe he, and everyone else, was ap-
plying the right ideas of spontaneous symmetry breaking, but to the
wrong problem! Another example in nature could involve two different
vector bosons, one type massless and one type massive. The massless
vector boson could be the photon, and the massive one (or ones) could
be the massive mediator(s) of the weak interaction that had been specu-
lated by Schwinger a decade earlier.
If this was true, then the weak and electromagnetic interactions
could be described by a unified set of gauge theories—one correspond-
ing to the electromagnetic interaction (remaining unbroken) and one
corresponding to the weak interaction, with a broken-gauge symmetry
resulting in several massive mediators for that interaction.
In this case the world we live in would be precisely like a superconductor.
The weak interaction would be weak because of the simple accident
that the ground state of fields in our current universe breaks the gauge
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symmetry that would otherwise govern the weak interaction symmetry.
The photonlike gauge particles would get large masses, and as Schwinger
had expected, the weak interaction would become so short-range that it
would almost die off even on the length scale of protons and neutrons.
This would also explain why neutron decay would happen so slowly.
The massive particles mediating the weak interaction would appear
to us just as photons would appear to hypothetical physicists living in-
side a superconductor. So too the distinction between electromagnetism
and the weak interaction would be just as illusory as the distinction that
physicists on the ice crystals on that windowpane would make between
forces along the direction of their icicle versus those perpendicular to
that direction. It would be a simple accident that one gauge symmetry
gets broken in the world of our experience, and the other doesn't.
Weinberg wanted to avoid thinking about strongly interacting par-
ticles since the situation there was still confused. So he decided to think
about particles that interact only via the weak or electromagnetic in-
teraction, namely electrons and neutrinos. Since the weak interaction
turns electrons into neutrinos, he had to imagine a set of charged vector
photonlike particles that would produce such a transformation. These
are nothing other than the charged vector bosons that Schwinger envis-
aged, conventionally called W plus and W minus bosons.
Since only left-handed electrons and neutrinos get mixed together
by the weak interaction, one type of gauge symmetry would have to
govern just the interactions of left-handed particles with the W par-
ticles. But since both left-handed electrons and right-handed electrons
interact with photons, the gauge symmetry of electromagnetism would
somehow have to be incorporated in this unified model in such a way
that left-handed electrons could interact with both photons and the new
charged W bosons—while right-handed electrons would interact only
with photons and not the W particles.
Mathematically, the only way to do this—as Sheldon Glashow had
discovered when he was thinking about electroweak unification six
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years earlier—was if there was one additional neutral weak boson that
right- and left-handed electrons could interact with in addition to in-
teracting with photons. This new boson Weinberg dubbed the Z, zero.
A new field would have to exist in nature that would form a conden-
sate in empty space to spontaneously break the symmetries governing
the weak interaction. The elementary particle associated with this field
would be the massive Higgs, while the remaining would-be Goldstone
bosons would now be eaten by the W and Z bosons to make them mas-
sive, by the mechanism that Higgs first proposed. This would leave only
the photon left over as a massless gauge boson.
But there's more. By virtue of the gauge symmetry he introduced,
Weinberg's new Higgs particle would also interact with electrons, and
when the condensate formed, the effect would be to give electrons a
mass as well as the W and Z particles. Thus, not only would this model
explain the masses of the gauge particles that mediate the weak force—
and therefore determine the strength of that force—but the same Higgs
field would also give electrons mass.
All the ingredients necessary for the unification of the weak and
electromagnetic interaction were present in this model. Moreover, by
starting with a Yang-Mills gauge theory with massless gauge bosons
before symmetry breaking, there was hope that the same remarkable
symmetry properties of gauge theories first exploited in quantum elec-
trodynamics might also allow this theory to produce finite sensible re-
sults. While a fundamental theory with massive photonlike particles
clearly had pathologies, the hope was that if the masses only resulted
after symmetry breaking, these pathologies might not appear. But it was
just a hope at the time.
Clearly in a realistic model the Higgs particle would couple to other
particles engaged in the weak interaction, beyond the electron. In the
absence of a Higgs condensate all these particles, protons, or the par-
ticles that made them up, and muons, etc., all of them would be exactly
massless. Every facet that is responsible for our existence, indeed the very
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existence of the massive particles from which we are made, would thus
arise as an accident of nature—the formation of a specific Higgs conden-
sate in our universe. The particular features that make our world what
it is—the galaxies, stars, planets, people, and the interactions among all
of these—would be quite different if the condensate had never formed.
Or if it had formed differently.
Just as the world experienced by imaginary physicists on the ice crystal
on that windowpane on a cold winter morning would have been com-
pletely different if the crystal had lined up in a different direction, so too
the features of our world that allow our existence depend crucially on the
nature of the Higgs condensate. What might seem so special about the
features of the particles and fields that make up the world we live in would
thus be no more special, planned, or significant than would be the acci-
dental orientation of the spine of that ice crystal, even if it might appear to
have special significance to beings living on the crystal.
And one last bit of poetry. The unique Yang-Mills model that Wein-
berg was driven to in 2967, which Abdus Salam would also stumble
upon a year later, was precisely the model proposed six years earlier
by his old high school friend Sheldon Glashow when he responded to
Schwinger's challenge to find a symmetry that might unify the weak
and electromagnetic interactions. No other choice could mathemati-
cally reproduce what we see in the world today. Glashow's model had
been largely ignored in the interim because no mechanism was then
known to give the weak bosons masses. But now such a mechanism
existed, the Higgs mechanism.
Weinberg and Glashow, whose lives had crisscrossed since they were
children, would later share the Nobel Prize, along with Salam, for com-
pletely independent discoveries of the greatest unification in physical
theory since Maxwell had unified electricity and magnetism and Ein-
stein had unified space and time.
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THE FOG LIFTS
Their voice goes out through all the earth, and their
words to the end of the world.
-PSALM 19:4
You might expect that physicists around the world would
have thrown parties with fireworks when Weinberg's paper came out.
But for the next three years following publication of Weinberg's theory,
not a single physicist, not even Weinberg himself, would find cause to
reference the paper—now one of the most highly cited papers in all of
particle physics. If a great discovery about nature had been made, no
one had yet noticed.
After all, Maxwell's unification made the beautiful prediction that
light was an electromagnetic wave whose speed could be calculated from
first principles, and lo and behold, the prediction was equal to the mea-
sured speed of light. Einstein's unification of space and time predicted
that clocks would slow for moving observers, and lo and behold, they do,
and in just the way he predicted. In 2967 the Glashow-Weinberg-Salam
unification of the weak and electromagnetic interactions predicted
three new vector bosons that were almost one hundred times heavier
than any particle that had been yet detected. It also predicted new in-
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teractions between electrons and neutrinos and matter due to the newly
predicted Z particle that had not only not been seen, but a number of
experiments suggested did not exist. It also required the existence of
a new and as yet unobserved massive fundamental scalar boson, the
Higgs particle, when no fundamental scalar particles were yet known
to exist in nature. And finally, as a quantum theory, no one knew if it
made sense.
Is it any wonder that the idea did not immediately catch fire? Never-
theless, within a decade everything would change, resulting in the most
theoretically productive period for elementary particle physics since the
discovery of quantum mechanics. While a gauge theory of the weak
interaction started the ball rolling, what resulted was far greater.
The first crack in the dike holding back the waters of progress came, fit-
tingly, with the work of Dutch graduate student Gerardus Hooft, in 1971.
I always remember how to spell his name because a particularly brilliant
and witty former Harvard colleague, the late Sidney Coleman, used to say
that if Gerard had monogrammed cuff links, they would need an apostro-
phe on them. Before 1971 many of the greatest theorists in the world had
tried to figure out whether the infinities that plague most quantum field
theories would disappear for spontaneously broken gauge theories as they
do for their unbroken cousins. But the answer eluded them. Remarkably
this young graduate student, working under the supervision of a seasoned
pro—Martinus Veltman—found a proof that others had missed. Often
when presented with a new result, we physicists can work through the
details and imagine how we might have discovered it ourselves. But many
of 't Hooft's insights, and there were many—almost all the new ideas in
the inos derived in one way or another from his theoretical inventions—
seemed to come from some hidden reservoir of intuition.
The other remarkable thing about Gerard is how gentle, shy, and un-
assuming he is. For someone who became famous in the field when he
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was a student, one might have expected some sense of privilege. But
from the first time I met him—again when I was a lowly graduate stu-
dent—Gerard treated me as an interesting friend, and I am pleased to
say that relationship has continued. I always try to remember this atti-
tude when I meet young students who may seem shy or intimidated, and
I try to emulate Gerard's open generosity of spirit.
His supervisor Tini Veltman, as he is often called, couldn't appear
more different. Not that Tini isn't fun to talk to. He is. But he always
made explicitly clear to me the moment we started a discussion that
whatever I might say, I didn't understand things well enough. I always
enjoyed the challenge.
It is important to note that 't Hooft would never have approached the
problem if Veltman had not been obsessed with it, even as most others
gave up. The notion that one might ultimately extend the techniques
that Feynman and others had developed to tame quantum electrody-
namics to try to understand more complex theories such as spontane-
ously broken Yang-Mills theory was simply viewed as naïve by many
in the field. But Veltman stayed with the project, and he wisely found a
graduate student who was also a genius to help him.
It took a while for 't liooft's and Veltman's ideas to sink in and the
new techniques 't Hooft had developed to become universally adopted,
but within a year or so physicists agreed that the theory that Weinberg,
and later Salam, had proposed, made sense. Citations of Weinberg's
paper suddenly began to grow exponentially. But making sense and
being right are two different things. Did nature actually use the specific
theory that Glashow, Weinberg, and Salam had suggested?
That remained the key open question, and for a while it looked as if
the answer was no.
The existence of the new neutral particle, the Z, required by the the-
ory, was a significant addition, beyond the charged particles suggested
years earlier by Schwinger and others that were required to change
neutrons into protons and electrons into neutrinos. It meant that there
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would be a new kind of weak interaction, not just for electrons and neu-
trinos but also for protons and neutrons, mediated by a new neutral-
particle exchange. In this case, as for electromagnetism, the identity of
the particles interacting would not change. Such interactions became
known as neutral current interactions, and the obvious way to test the
theory was to look for them. The best place to look for them was in the
interactions of the only particles in nature that just feel the weak inter-
action, namely neutrinos.
You may recall that the prediction of such neutral currents was
one of the reasons that Glashow's 1961 suggestion never caught on.
But Glashow's model wasn't a full theory. Particle masses were simply
put into the equations by hand, and as a result quantum corrections
couldn't be controlled. However, when Weinberg and Salam proposed
their model for electroweak unification, all elements that allowed for de-
tailed predictions were there. The mass of the Z particle was predicted,
and as 't Hooft had shown, one could calculate all quantum corrections
in a reliable way, just as one did for quantum electrodynamics.
This was a good thing, and a bad thing because no wiggle room was
left to argue away any possible disagreements with observation. And in
1967 there appeared to be such disagreements. No such neutral currents
had been observed in high-energy collisions of neutrinos with protons,
with an upper limit being set of about lo percent of the rate observed
for more familiar charge-changing weak interactions of neutrinos and
protons, such as neutron decay. Things looked bad, and most physicists
assumed weak neutral currents didn't exist.
Weinberg had a vested interest in this quest, and in 1971 he reason-
ably argued that there was still wiggle room. But this view was not
gernerally held by others in the community.
In the early 297os, new experiments at the European Organization
for Nuclear Research (CERN) in Geneva were performed using the pro-
ton accelerator there, which smashed high-energy protons into a long
target. Most particles produced in the collision would be absorbed in
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the target, but neutrinos would emerge from the other end—as their in-
teractions are so weak that they could traverse the target without being
absorbed. The resulting high-energy neutrino beam would then strike
a detector placed in its path that could record the few events in which
neutrinos might interact with the detector material.
A huge new detector was built, named Gargamelle after the giant-
ess mother of Gargantua, from the work of the French writer Rabelais.
This five-meter-by-two-meter "bubble chamber" vessel was filled with a
superheated liquid in which trails of bubbles would form when an ener-
getic charged particle traversed it, sort of like seeing the vapor trail high
in the sky of a plane that is itself not visible.
Interestingly, when the experimentalists who built Gargamelle met in
1968 to discuss their plans for neutrino experiments, the idea of search-
ing for neutral currents wasn't even mentioned—an indication of how
many physicists thought the issue was then settled. Of far more interest
to them was the possibility of following up on recent exciting experi-
ments at the Stanford Linear Accelerator (SLAC), where high-energy
electrons had been used as probes to explore the structure of protons.
Using neutrinos as probes of protons might give cleaner measurements
because the neutrinos are not charged.
After the results of 't Hooft and Veltman, however, in 1972., experi-
mentalists began to take the gauge theory description of the weak in-
teraction, and in particular the Glashow-Weinberg-Salam proposal,
seriously. That meant looking for neutral currents. The Gargamelle
collaboration had the capability to do this, in principle, even though it
hadn't been designed for the task.
Most of the high-energy neutrinos in the beam would interact with
protons in the target by turning into muons, the heavier partners of
electrons. The muons would exit the target, producing a long charged-
particle track all the way to the edge of the detector. The protons would
be converted into neutrons, which would themselves not produce a
track but would collide with nuclei, producing a short shower of charged
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particles that would leave tracks. Thus, the experiment was designed to
detect muon tracks, as well as accompanying charged-particle showers,
both arising as separate signals of a single weak interaction.
However, sometimes a neutrino would interact with material out-
side the detector, producing a neutron that might recoil back into the
detector and then interact there. Such events would consist of a single
strongly interacting shower of particles due to the colliding neutron,
with no accompanying muon track.
When Gargamelle began to search for neutral current events, such
isolated charged-particle showers without an accompanying muon be-
came just the signal the scientists needed to focus on. In neutral current
events a neutrino that interacts with a neutron or proton in the detec-
tor doesn't convert into a charged muon, but simply bounces off and
escapes the detector unobserved. All that would be observable would be
the recoiling nuclear shower—the same signature produced by the more
standard neutrino interactions outside the detector that produce neu-
trons that recoil back into the detector and produce a nuclear shower.
The challenge, then, if the experiment was to definitively detect neu-
tral current events, was to distinguish neutrino-induced events from
such neutron-induced events. (This same problem has provided the
chief challenge to experimentalists looking for any weakly interacting
particles, including the presumed dark matter particles that are being
searched for in underground detectors around the world today.)
The observation of a single recoil electron, with no other charged-
particle tracks in the detector, was observed in early 1973. This could
have arisen from the less frequent predicted neutral current collisions of
neutrinos with electrons instead of protons or neutrons. But generally a
single event is not enough to definitively claim a new discovery in par-
ticle physics. However, it did give hope, and by March of 1973 a careful
analysis of neutron backgrounds and observed isolated particle show-
ers appeared to provide evidence that weak neutral current interactions
actually exist. Nevertheless, not until July of 1973 did the researchers at
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CERN complete a sufficient number of checks to be confident enough
to claim a detection of neutral currents, which they did at a conference
in Bonn in August.
The story might have ended there, but unfortunately, shortly after
this, another collaboration searching for neutral currents rechecked
their apparatus and found that a previous signal for neutral currents
had disappeared. This produced significant confusion and skepticism
in the physics community, where once again neutral currents seemed
suspect. Ultimately the Gargamelle collaboration returned to the draw-
ing board, tested the detector using a proton beam directly, and took a
great deal more data. At a conference almost a year later, in June 2974,
the Gargamelle collaboration presented overwhelming confirmation of
the signal. Meanwhile the competing collaboration had found the cause
of its error and confirmed the Gargamelle result. Glashow, Weinberg,
and Salam were vindicated.
Neutral currents had arrived, and a remarkable unification of the
weak and the electromagnetic interactions appeared to be at hand. But
two loose ends still remained to be cleared out.
The existence of neutral currents in neutrino scattering validated
the notion that the Z particle existed, but this didn't guarantee that the
weak interaction was identical to that proposed by Glashow, Weinberg,
and Salam, where the weak and the electromagnetic interactions were
unified. To explore this required an experiment using a particle that
participated in both the weak and the electromagnetic interaction. The
electron was ideal for this purpose because these are the only two inter-
actions it experiences.
When electrons interact with other charges by their electromag-
netic attraction, left-handed electrons and right-handed electrons
behave identically. However, the Weinberg-Glashow-Salam theory re-
quired that weak interactions occur differently for left-handed versus
right-handed particles. This implied that careful measurements of the
scattering of polarized electrons—electrons prepared initially in left- or
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right-handed states using magnetic fields—off various targets should re-
veal a violation of left-right symmetry, but not as extreme an asymmetry
as that observed in neutrino scattering—because the neutrino is purely
left-handed. The degree of violation in electron scattering, if it existed,
would then reflect the extent to which the weak interaction and electro-
magnetism were mixed together in a unified theory.
The idea of testing for such interference using electron scattering had
actually been suggested as early as 19S8 by the remarkable Soviet physi-
cist Yakov B. Zel'dovich. But it would take twenty years for sufficiently
sensitive experiments to actually take place. And as for the neutral cur-
rent discovery, the road to success was full of potholes and wrong turns
along the way.
One of the reasons it took so long to test this idea is that the weak
interaction is weak. Because the dominant interaction of electrons with
matter is electromagnetic, the left-right asymmetry predicted due to a
possible exchange of a Z particle was small, smaller than one part in ten
thousand. To test for such a small asymmetry required both an intense
beam and one whose initial polarization was well determined.
The best place to perform these experiments was at the Stanford
Linear Accelerator, a two-mile-long electron linear accelerator built in
1962 that was the longest and straightest structure that had ever been
built. In 1970 polarized beams were introduced, but not until 1978 was
an experiment designed and run with the sensitivity required to look for
weak-electromagnetic interference in electron scattering.
While the successful observation of neutral currents in 1974 meant
that the Weinberg-Glashow-Salam theory began to have wide accep-
tance among theorists, what made the 1978 SLAC experiment so im-
portant was that in 1977 two atomic physics experiments had reported
results that, if correct, convincingly ruled out the theory.
In our story thus far, light has played a crucial role, illuminating (if
you will forgive the pun) our understanding not only of electricity and
magnetism, but space, time, and ultimately the nature of the quantum
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world. So too it was realized that light could help probe for a possible
electroweak unification.
The first great success of quantum electrodynamics was the correct
prediction of the spectrum of hydrogen, and eventually other atoms. But
if electrons also feel the weak force, then this will provide a small addi-
tional force between electrons and nuclei that should alter—if slightly—
the characteristics of their atomic orbits. For the most part these are
unobservable because electromagnetic effects swamp weak effects. But
weak interactions violate parity, so the same weak-electromagnetic
neutral current interference that was being explored using polarized
electron beams can produce novel effects in atoms that would vanish if
electromagnetism was the only force involved.
In particular, for heavy atoms, the Weinberg-Salam theory predicted
that if polarized light was transmitted through a gas of atoms, then the
direction of the polarization of the light would be rotated by about a
millionth of a degree, due to parity-violating neutral current effects in
the atoms through which the light passed.
In 1977 the results of two independent atomic physics experiments,
in Seattle and Oxford, were published in back-to-back articles in Physi-
cal Review Letters. The results were dismaying. No such optical rotation
was seen at a level ten times smaller than that predicted by the elec-
troweak theory. Had only one experiment reported the result, it would
have been more equivocal. But the same result from two independent
experiments using independent techniques made it appear definitive.
The theory appeared to be ruled out.
Nevertheless, the SLAC experiment, which had begun three years
earlier, was well under way, and since all of the experimental prepara-
tion had begun, the experiment was approved to begin to take data in
early 1978. Because of the earlier null results from the atomic physics ex-
periments, the Stanford collaboration added several bells and whistles
to the experiment so that if they saw no effect, they could guarantee that
they could have seen such an effect were it there.
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Within two months the experiment began to show clear signs of par-
ity violation, and by June 1978 the scientists announced a nonzero re-
sult, in agreement with the predictions of the Glashow-Weinberg-Salam
model, based on measured neutrino neutral current scattering, which
measured the strength of the Z interaction.
Still, questions remained, especially given the apparent disagree-
ment with the Seattle/Oxford results. At a talk at Caltech on the subject,
Richard Feynman, characteristically, homed in on a key outstanding ex-
perimental question and asked whether the SLAC experimentalists had
checked that the detector responded equally well to both left-handed
and right-handed electrons. They hadn't, but for theoretical reasons
they had had no reason to expect the detectors to behave differently for
the different polarizations. (Feynman would famously get to the heart
of another complex problem eight years later after the tragic Challenger
explosion, when he simply demonstrated the failure of an O-ring seal to
the investigating commission and to the public watching the televised
proceedings.)
Over the fall the SLAC experiment refined their efforts to rule out
both this concern and others that had been raised, and by the fall they
reported a definitive result in agreement with the Glashow-Weinberg-
Salam prediction, with an uncertainty of less than io percent. Elec-
troweak unification was vindicated!
To date, I don't know if anyone has a good explanation of why the
original atomic physics results were wrong (later experiments agreed
with the Glashow-Weinberg-Salam theory) except that the experiments,
and the theoretical interpretation of the experiments, are hard.
But a mere year later, in October 1979, Sheldon Glashow, Abdus
Salam, and Steven Weinberg were awarded the Nobel Prize for their
electroweak theory, now validated by experiment, that unified two of
the four forces of nature based on a single fundamental symmetry,
gauge invariance. If the gauge symmetry hadn't been broken, hidden
from view, the weak and electromagnetic interactions would look iden-
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tical. But then all of the particles that make us up wouldn't have mass,
and we wouldn't be here to notice....
This is not the end of our story, however. Two out of four is still
only two out of four. The strong interaction, which had motivated much
of the work that led to electroweak unification, had continued to stub-
bornly resist all attempts at explanation even as the electroweak theory
took shape. No explanation of the strong nuclear force via spontane-
ously broken gauge symmetries met the test of experiment.
Thus, even as scientist-philosophers of the twentieth century had
stumbled—often by a convoluted and dimly lit path—outside our cave
of shadows to glimpse the otherwise hidden reality beneath the surface,
one more force relevant to understanding the fundamental structure of
matter was conspicuously missing from the beautiful emerging tapestry
of nature.
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FREE AT LAST
Let my people go.
-EXODUS 9:1
The long road that led to electroweak unification was a
tour de force of intellectual perseverance and ingenuity. But it was also
a detour de force. Almost all of the major ideas introduced by Yang,
Mills, Yukawa, Higgs, and others that led to this theory were developed
in the apparently unsuccessful struggle to understand the strongest
force in nature, the strong nuclear force. Recall that this force, and the
strongly interacting particles that manifested it, had so bedeviled physi-
cists that in the 196os many of them had given up hope of ever explain-
ing it via the techniques of quantum field theory that had so successfully
now described both electromagnetism and the weak interaction.
There had been one success, centered on Gell-Mann and Zweig's
proposal that all the strongly interacting particles that had been ob-
served, including the proton and the neutron, could be understood as
being made up of more fundamental objects, which, as I have described,
Gell-Mann called quarks. All the known strongly interacting particles,
and at the time undiscovered particles, could be classified assuming
they were made of quarks. Moreover, the symmetry arguments that led
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Gell-Mann in particular to come up with his model served as the basis
for making some sense of the otherwise confusing data associated with
the reactions of strongly interacting matter.
Nevertheless, Gell-Mann had allowed that his scheme might merely
be a mathematical construct, useful for classification, and that quarks
might not represent real particles. After all, no free quarks had ever
been observed in accelerators or cosmic-ray experiments. He was also
probably influenced by the popular idea that quantum field theory, and
hence the notion of elementary particles themselves, broke down on
nuclear scales. Even as late as 1972 Gell-Mann stated, "Let us end by
emphasizing our main point, that it may well be possible to construct an
explicit theory of hadrons, based on quarks and some kind of glue.. . .
Since the entities we start with are fictitious, there is no need for any
conflict with the bootstrap ... point of view."
Viewed in this context, the effort to describe the strong interaction by
a Yang-Mills gauge quantum field theory, with real gauge particles medi-
ating the force, would be misplaced. It also seemed impossible. The strong
force appeared to operate only on nuclear scales, so if it was to be de-
scribed by a gauge theory, the photonlike particles that would convey the
force would have to be heavy. But there was also no evidence of a Higgs
mechanism, with massive strongly interacting Higgs-like particles, which
experiments could have easily detected. Compounding this, the force was
simply so strong that even if it was described by a gauge theory, then all of
the quantum field theory techniques developed for deriving predictions—
which worked so well for the other forces—would have broken down if
applied to the strong force. This is why Gell-Mann in his quote referred to
the "bootstrap"—the Zen-like idea that no particles were truly fundamen-
tal. The sound of no hands clapping, if you will.
Whenever theory faces an impasse like this, it sure helps to have ex-
periment as a guide, and that is exactly what happened, in 1968. A series
of pivotal experiments, performed by Henry Kendall, Jerry Friedman,
and Richard Taylor, using the newly built SLAC accelerator to scatter
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high-energy electrons off protons and neutrons, revealed something re-
markable. Protons and neutrons did appear to have some substructure,
but it was strange. The collisions had properties no one had expected.
Was the signal due to quarks?
Theorists were quick to come to the rescue. lames Bjorken demon-
strated that the phenomena observed by the experimentalists, called
scaling, could be understood if protons and neutrons were composed of
virtually noninteracting pointlike particles. Feynman then interpreted
these objects as real particles, which he dubbed partons, and suggested
they could be identified with Gell-Mann's quarks.
This picture had a big problem, however. If all strongly interact-
ing particles were composed of quarks, then quarks should surely be
strongly interacting themselves. Why should they appear to be almost
free inside protons and neutrons and not be interacting strongly with
each other?
Moreover, in 196s, Nambu, Moo-Young Han, and Oscar Greenberg
had convincingly argued that, if strongly interacting particles were
composed of quarks and if they were fermions, like electrons, then Gell-
Mann's classification of known particles by various combinations of
quarks would only be consistent if quarks possessed some new kind of
internal charge, a new Yang-Mills gauge charge. This would imply that
they interacted strongly via a new set of gauge bosons, which were then
called gluons. But where were the gluons, and where were the quarks,
and why was there no evidence of quarks interacting strongly inside
protons and neutrons if they were really to be identified with Feynman's
partons?
In yet another problem with quarks, protons and neutrons have weak
interactions, and if these particles were made up of quarks, then the
quarks would also have to have weak interactions in addition to strong
interactions. Gell-Mann had identified three different types of quarks as
comprising all known strongly interacting particles at the time. Mesons
could be comprised of quark-antiquark pairs. Protons and neutrons
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could be made up of three fractionally charged quarks, which Gell-
Mann called up (u) and down (d) quarks. The proton would be made of
two up quarks and one down quark, while the neutron would be made
of two down quarks and one up quark. In addition to these two types
of quarks, one additional type of quark, a heavier version of the down
quark, was required to make up exotic new elementary particles. Gell-
Mann called this the strange (s) quark, and particles containing s quarks
were dubbed to possess "strangeness."
When neutral currents were first proposed as part of the weak inter-
action, this created a problem. If quarks interacted with the Z particles,
then u, d, and s quarks could remain u, d, and s quarks before and after
the neutral current interaction, just as electrons remained electrons be-
fore and after the interaction. However, because the d and s quarks had
precisely the same electric and isotopic spin charges, nothing would pre-
vent an s quark from converting into a d quark when it interacted with
a Z particle. This would allow particles containing s quarks to decay
into particles containing d quarks. But no such "strangeness-changing
decays" were observed, with high sensitivity in experiments. Something
was wrong.
This absence of "strangeness-changing neutral currents" was ex-
plained brilliantly, at least in principle, by Sheldon Glashow, along with
collaborators John Iliopoulos and Luciano Maiani, in 1970. They took
the quark model seriously and suggested that if a fourth quark, dubbed
a charm (c) quark, existed, which had the same charge as the u quark,
then a remarkable mathematical cancellation could occur in the calcu-
lated transformation rate for an s quark into a d quark, and strangeness-
changing neutral currents would be suppressed, in agreement with
experiments.
Moreover, this scheme began to suggest a nice symmetry between
quarks and particles such as electrons and muons, all of which could
exist in pairs associated with the weak force. The electron would be
paired with its own neutrino, as would the muon. The up and down
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quarks would form one pair, and the charm and the strange quark an-
other pair. W particles interacting with one particle in each pair would
turn it into the other particle in the pair.
None of these arguments addressed the central problems of the
strong interaction between quarks, however. Why had no one ever ob-
served a quark? And, if the strong interaction was described by a gauge
theory with gluons as the gauge particles, how come no one had ever
observed a gluon? And if the gluons were massless, how come the strong
force was short-range?
These problems continued to suggest to some that quantum field
theory was the wrong approach for understanding the strong force.
Freeman Dyson, who had played such an important role in the develop-
ment of the first successful quantum field theory, quantum electrody-
namics, asserted, when describing the strong interaction, "The correct
theory will not be found in the next hundred years."
One of those who were convinced that quantum field theory was
doomed was a brilliant young theorist, David Gross. Trained under
Geoffrey Chew, the inventor of the bootstrap picture of nuclear democ-
racy, in which elementary particles were an illusion masking a structure
in which only symmetries and not particles were real, Gross was well
primed to try to kill quantum field theory for good.
Recall that even as late as 196s, when Richard Feynman received
his Nobel Prize, it was still felt that the procedure he and others had
developed for getting rid of infinities in quantum field theory was a
trick—that something was fundamentally wrong at small scales with
the picture that quantum field theory presented.
Russian physicist Lev Landau had shown in the 195os that the elec-
tric charge on an electron depends on the scale at which you measure
it. Virtual particles pop out of empty space, and electrons and all other
elementary particles are surrounded by a cloud of virtual particle-
antiparticle pairs. These pairs screen the charge, just as a charge in a di-
electric material gets screened. Positively charged virtual particles tend
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to closely surround the negative charge, and so at a distance the physical
effects of the initial negative charge are reduced.
This meant, according to Landau, that the closer you get to an elec-
tron, the larger its actual charge will appear. If we measure the electron
charge to be some specific value at large distances, as we do, that would
mean that the "bare" charge on the electron—namely the charge on the
fundamental particle considered without all the infinite dressing by
particle-antiparticle pairs surrounding it on ever-smaller scales—would
have to be infinite. Clearly something was rotten with this picture.
Gross was influenced not only by his supervisor, but also by the pre-
vailing sentiments of the time, mostly arguments by Gell-Mann, who
dominated theoretical particle physics in the late fifties and early sixties.
Gell-Mann advocated using algebraic relations that arise from thinking
about field theories, then keeping the relations and throwing away the
field theory. In a particularly Gell-Mann-esque description, he stated,
"We may compare this process to a method sometimes employed in
French cuisine: a piece of pheasant meat is cooked between two slices of
veal, which are then discarded."
Thus one could abstract out properties of quarks that might be useful
for predictions, but then ignore the actual possible existence of quarks.
However, Gross began to be disenchanted by just using ideas associated
with global symmetries and algebras and longed to explore dynamics
that might actually describe the physical processes that were occurring
inside strongly interacting particles. Gross and his collaborator Cur-
tis Callan built upon earlier work by James Bjorken to show that the
charged particle apparently located inside protons and neutrons had to
have spin 1/2, identical to that of electrons. Later, with other collabora-
tors, Gross showed that a similar analysis of neutrino scattering off pro-
tons and neutrons as measured at CERN revealed that the components
looked just like the quarks that Gell-Mann had proposed.
If it quacks like a duck and walks like a duck, it is probably a duck.
Thus, for Gross, and others, the reality of quarks was now convincing.
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But as convinced as many such as Gross were by the reality of quarks,
they were equally convinced that this implied that field theory could not
possibly be the correct way to describe the strong interaction. The re-
sults of the experiment required the constituents to be essentially non-
interacting, not strongly interacting.
In 1969 Gross's colleagues at Princeton Curtis Callan and Kurt Sy-
manzik rediscovered a set of equations explored by Landau, and then
Gell-Mann and Francis Low, that described how quantities in quantum
field theory might evolve with scale. If the partons inferred by the SLAC
experiments had any interactions at all—as quarks must have—then
measurable departures from the scaling that Bjorken had derived would
occur, and the results that Gross and his collaborators had also derived
when comparing theory and the SLAC experiments would also have to
be modified.
Over the next two years, with the results of 't Hooft and Veltman,
and the growing success of the predictions of the theory of the weak
and electromagnetic interactions, more people began to turn their at-
tention once again to quantum field theory. Gross decided to prove in
great generality that no sensible quantum field theory could possibly re-
produce the experimental results about the nature of protons and neu-
trons observed at SLAC. Thus he hoped to kill this whole approach to
attempting to understand the strong interaction. First, he would prove
that the only way to explain the SLAC results was if somehow, at short
distances, the strength of the quantum field interactions would have
to go to zero, i.e., the fields would essentially become noninteracting at
short distances. Then, after that, he would show that no quantum field
theory had this property.
Recall that Landau had shown that quantum electrodynamics, the
prototypical consistent quantum field theory, has precisely the opposite
behavior. The strength of electric charges becomes larger as the scale
at which you probe particles (such as electrons) gets smaller due to the
cloud of virtual particles and antiparticles surrounding them.
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Early in 1973 Gross and his collaborator Giorgio Parisi had completed
the first part of the proof, namely that scaling as observed at SLAC im-
plied the strong interactions of the proton's constituents must go to zero
at small-distance scales if the strong nuclear force was to be described
by any fundamental quantum field theory.
Next, Gross attempted to show that no field theories actually had this
behavior—the strength of interactions going to zero at small-distance
scales—which he dubbed asymptotic freedom. With help from Har-
vard's Sidney Coleman, who was visiting Princeton at the time, Gross
was able to complete this proof for all sensible quantum field theories,
except for Yang-Mills-type gauge theories.
Gross now took on a new graduate student, twenty-one-year-old
Frank Wilczek, who had come to Princeton from the University of Chi-
cago planning to study mathematics, but who switched to physics after
taking Gross's graduate class in field theory.
Gross was either lucky or astute because he served as the graduate
supervisor of probably the two most remarkable intellects among physi-
cists in my generation, Wilczek and Edward Witten, who helped lead
the string theory revolution in the 198os and '9os and who is the only
physicist ever to win the prestigious Fields Medal, the highest award
given to mathematicians. Wilczek is probably one of the few true phys-
ics polymaths. Frank and I became frequent collaborators and friends
in the early 1980s, and he is not only one of the most creative physicists
I have ever worked with, he also has an encyclopedic knowledge of the
field. He has read almost every physics text ever written, and he has
assimilated the information. In the intervening years, he has made nu-
merous fundamental contributions not only to particle physics, but to
cosmology and also the physics of materials.
Gross assigned Wilczek to explore with him the one remaining
loophole in Gross's previous proof—determining how the strength of
the interaction in Yang-Mills theories changed as one went to shorter-
distance scales—to prove that these theories too could not exhibit
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asymptotic freedom. They decided to directly and explicitly calculate
the behavior of the interactions in the theories at shorter and shorter-
distance scales.
This was a formidable task. Since that time tools have been developed
for doing the calculation as a homework problem in a graduate course.
Moreover, things are always easier to calculate when you know what
the answer will be, as we now do. After several hectic months, with
numerous false starts and numerical errors, in February of 1973 they
completed their calculations and discovered, to Gross's great surprise,
that in fact Yang-Mills theories are asymptotically free-the interaction
strength in these theories does approach zero as interacting particles
get closer together. As Gross later put it, in his Nobel address, "For me
the discovery of asymptotic freedom was totally unexpected. Like an
atheist who has just received a message from a burning bush, I became
an immediate true believer!
Sidney Coleman had assigned his own graduate student David
Politzer to do a similar calculation, and his independent result agreed
with Gross and Wilczek's and was obtained at about the same time.
That the results agreed gave both groups greater confidence in them.
Not only can Yang-Mills theories be asymptotically free, they are the
only field theories that are. This led Gross and Wilczek to suggest, in the
opening of their landmark paper, that because of this uniqueness, and
because asymptotic freedom seemed to be required for any theory of
the strong interaction given the 1968 SLAC experimental results, per-
haps a Yang-Mills theory could explain the strong interaction.
Which Yang-Mills theory was the right one needed to be deter-
mined, and also why the massless gauge particles that are the hallmark
of Yang-Mills theories had not been seen. And related to this, perhaps
the most important long-standing question remained: Where were the
quarks?
But before I address these questions, you might be wondering why
Yang-Mills theories have such a different behavior from their sim-
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pier cousin quantum electrodynamics, where Landau had shown the
strength of the interaction between electric charges gets larger on
small-distance scales.
The key is somewhat subtle and lies in the nature of the massless
gauge particles in Yang-Mills theory. Unlike photons in QED, which
have no electric charge, the gluons that were predicted to mediate the
strong interaction possess Yang-Mills charges, and therefore gluons in-
teract with each other. But because Yang-Mills theories are more com-
plicated than QED, the charges on gluons are also more complicated
than the simple electric charges on electrons. Each gluon not only looks
like a charged particle, but also like a little charged magnet.
If you bring a small magnet near some iron, the iron gets magnetized
and you end up with a more powerful magnet. Something similar hap-
pens with Yang-Mills theories. If I have some particle with a Yang-Mills
charge, say, a quark, then quarks and antiquarks can pop out of the vac-
uum around the charge and screen it, as happens in electromagnetism.
But gluons can also pop out of the vacuum, and since they act like little
magnets, they tend to align themselves along the direction of the field
produced by the original quark. This increases the strength of the field,
which in turn induces more gluons to pop out of the vacuum, which
further increases the field, and so on.
As a result, the deeper into the virtual gluon cloud you penetrate—
i.e., the closer you get to the quark—the weaker the field will look. Ulti-
mately, as you bring two quarks closer together, the interaction will get
so weak that they will begin to act as if they are not interacting at all, the
characteristic of asymptotic freedom.
I used gluons and quarks as labels here, but the discovery of asymp-
totic freedom did not point uniquely to any specific Yang-Mills theory.
However, Gross and Wilczek recognized the natural candidate was the
Yang-Mills theory that Greenberg and others had posited was neces-
sary for Gell-Mann's quark hypothesis to explain the observed nature
of elementary particles. In this theory each quark carries one of three
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different types of charges, which are labeled, for lack of better names, by
colors, say, red, green, or blue. Because of this nomenclature Gell-Mann
coined a name for this Yang-Mills theory: quantum chromodynamics
(QCD), the quantum theory of colored charges, in analogy to quantum
electrodynamics, the quantum theory of electric charges.
Gross and Wilczek posited, based on the observational arguments in
favor of such a symmetry associated with quarks, that quantum chro-
modynamics was the correct gauge theory of the strong interaction of
quarks.
The remarkable idea of asymptotic freedom got an equally remark-
able experimental boost within a year or so of these theoretical develop-
ments. Experiments at SLAC and at another accelerator in Brookhaven,
Long Island, made the striking and unexpected discovery of a new mas-
sive elementary particle that appeared as if it might be made up of a new
quark—indeed, the so-called charmed quark that had been predicted by
Glashow and friends four years earlier.
But this new discovery was peculiar, because the new particle lived
far longer than one might imagine based on the measured lifetime of
unstable lighter strongly interacting particles. As the experimentalists
who discovered this new particle said, observing it was like wandering
in the jungle and finding a new species of humans who lived not up to
one hundred, but up to ten thousand years.
Had the discovery been made even five years earlier, it would have
seemed inexplicable. But in this case, fortune favored the prepared
mind. Tom Appelquist and David Politzer, both at Harvard at the time,
quickly realized that if asymptotic freedom was indeed a property of the
strong interaction, then one could show that the interactions governing
more massive quarks would be less strong than the interactions govern-
ing the lighter, more familiar quarks. Interactions that are less strong
would mean particles decay less quickly. What would otherwise have
been a mystery was in this case a verification of the new idea of asymp-
totic freedom. Everything seemed to be fitting into place.
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Except for one pretty bt:g. thing. If the theory of quantum chromo-
dynamics was a theory of the interactions of quarks and gluons, where
were the quarks and gluons? How come none had ever been seen in an
experiment?
Asymptotic freedom provides a key clue. If the strength of the strong
interaction gets weaker the closer one gets to a quark, then conversely it
should get stronger and stronger the farther one is away from the quark.
Imagine, then, what happens if I have a quark and an antiquark that are
bound together by the strong interaction and I try to pull them apart.
As I try to pull them apart, I need more and more energy because the
strength of the attraction between them grows with distance. Eventually
so much energy becomes stored in the fields surrounding the quarks that
it becomes energetically favorable instead for a new quark-antiquark pair
to pop out of the vacuum and then for each to become bound to one of the
original particles. The process is shown schematically below.
quark
anti-quark
a
1 + 00
40-0 40-0
It would be like stretching a rubber band. Eventually the band will
snap into two pieces instead of stretching forever. Each piece in this case
would then represent a new bound quark-antiquark pair.
What would this mean for experiments? Well, if I accelerate a par-
ticle such as an electron and it collides with a quark inside a proton, it
will kick the quark out of the proton. But as the quark begins to exit the
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proton, the interactions of the quark with the remaining quarks will in-
crease, and it will eventually be energetically favored for virtual quark-
antiquark pairs to pop out of the vacuum and bind to both the ejected
quark and the other quarks as well. This means that one will create a
shower of strongly interacting particles, such as protons or neutrons or
pions or so on, moving along the direction of the original ejected quark,
and similarly a shower of strongly interacting particles recoiling in the
direction of motion of the original remaining quarks left over from the
proton. One will never see the quarks themselves.
Similarly, if a particle collides with a quark, in recoiling sometimes
the quark will emit a gluon before it binds with an antiquark popping
out of the vacuum. Then since gluons interact with each other as well as
with quarks, the new gluon might emit more gluons. The gluons in turn
will be surrounded by new quarks that pop out of the vacuum, creating
new strongly interacting particles moving along the direction of each
original gluon. In this case one would expect in some cases to see not a
single shower moving in the direction of the original quark, but several
showers, corresponding to each new gluon that is emitted along the way.
Because quantum chromodynamics is a specific, well-defined the-
ory, one can predict the rate at which quarks will emit gluons, and the
rate at which one would see a single shower, or jet as it is called, kicked
out when an electron collides with a proton or neutron, and the rate
at which one would see two showers, and so on. Eventually, when ac-
celerators became powerful enough to observe all these processes, the
observed rates agreed well with the predictions of the theory.
There is every reason to believe that this picture of free quarks and
gluons quickly getting bound to new quarks and antiquarks so that one
would never observe a free quark or gluon is valid. This is called Con-
finement because quarks and gluons are always confined inside strongly
interacting particles such as protons and neutrons and can never break
free from them without getting confined in newly created strongly in-
teracting particles.
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Since the actual process by which the quarks get confined occurs as
the forces become stronger and stronger when the quark moves farther
and farther away from its original companions, the standard calcula-
tions of quantum field theory, which are valid when the interactions are
not too strong, break down. So this picture, validated by experiment,
cannot be fully confirmed by tractable calculations at the moment.
Will we ever derive the necessary mathematical tools to analyti-
cally demonstrate from first principles that confinement is indeed
a mathematical property of quantum chromodynamics? This is the
million-dollar question, literally. The Clay Mathematics Institute has
announced a million-dollar prize for a rigorous mathematical proof
that quantum chromodynamics does not allow free quarks or gluons to
be produced. While no claimants to the prize have yet come forward,
we nevertheless have strong indirect support of this idea, coming not
only from experimental observations, but also from numerical simula-
tions that closely approximate the complicated interactions in quantum
chromodynamics. This is heartening, if not definitive. We still have to
confirm that it is some property of the theory and not of the computer
simulation. However, for physicists, if not mathematicians, this seems
pretty convincing.
One final bit of direct evidence that QCD is correct came from a
realm where exact calculations can be done. Because quarks are not
completely free at short distances, I earlier mentioned that there should
be calculable corrections to exotic scaling phenomena observed in the
high-energy collisions of electrons off protons and neutrons, as origi-
nally observed at SLAC. Perfect scaling would require completely
noninteracting particles. The corrections that one could calculate in
quantum chromodynamics would only be observable in experiments
that were far more sensitive than those originally performed at SLAC. It
took the development of new, higher-energy accelerators to probe them.
After thirty years or so, enough evidence was in so that comparison of
theoretical predictions and experiment agreed at the i percent level, and
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quantum chromodynamics as the theory of the strong interaction was
finally verified in a precise and detailed way.
Gross, Wilczek, and Politzer were finally awarded the Nobel Prize in
2004 for their discovery of asymptotic freedom. The experimentalists
who had first discovered scaling at SLAC, which was the key observa-
tion that set theorists off in the right direction, were awarded the Nobel
Prize much earlier, in 1990. And the experimentalists who discovered
the charmed quark in 1974 won the Nobel Prize two years later, in 1976.
But the biggest prize of all, as Richard Feynman has said, is not the
recognition by a medal or a cash award, or even the praise one gets from
colleagues or the public, but the prize of actually learning something
new about nature.
•
•
•
In this sense the 197os were perhaps the richest decade in the twentieth
century, if not in the entire history of physics. In 1970 we understood
only one force in nature completely as a quantum theory, namely quan-
tum electrodynamics. By 1979 we had developed and experimentally
verified perhaps the greatest theoretical edifice yet created by human
minds, the Standard Model of particle physics, describing precisely
three of the four known forces in nature. The effort spanned the entire
history of modern science, from Galileo's investigations of the nature of
moving bodies, through Newton's discovery of the laws of motion,
through the experimental and theoretical investigations of the nature of
electromagnetism, through Einstein's unification of space and time,
through the discoveries of the nucleus, quantum mechanics, protons,
neutrons, and the discovery of the weak and strong forces themselves.
But the most remarkable characteristic of all in this long march
toward the light is how different the fundamental nature of reality is
from the shadows of reality that we experience every day, and in par-
ticular how the fundamental quantities that appear to govern our exis-
tence are not fundamental at all.
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Making up the heart of observed matter are particles that had never
been directly observed and, if we are correct, will never be directly
observable—quarks and gluons. The properties of forces that govern the
interactions of these particles—and also the particles that have formed the
basis of modern experimental physics for more than a century, electrons—
are also, on a fundamental level, completely different from the properties
we directly observe and on which we depend for our existence. The strong
interaction between protons and neutrons is only a long-distance rem-
nant of the underlying force between quarks, whose fundamental proper-
ties are masked by the complicated interactions within the nucleus. The
weak interaction and the electromagnetic interaction, which could not be
more different on the surface—one is short-range, while the other is long-
range, and one appears thousands of times weaker than the other—are in
fact intimately related and reflect different facets of a single whole.
That whole is hidden from us because of the accident of nature we call
spontaneous symmetry breaking, which distinguishes the two weak and
electromagnetic interactions in the world of our experience and hides
their true nature. More than that, the properties of the particles that
produce the characteristics of the beautiful world we observe around us
are only possible because, after the accident of spontaneous symmetry
breaking, just one particle in nature—the photon—remains massless.
If symmetry breaking had never occurred so that underlying symme-
tries of the forces governing matter were manifest—which in turn would
mean that the particles conveying the weak force would also be mass-
less, as would most of the particles that make us up—essentially nothing
we see in the universe today, from galaxies to stars, to planets, to people,
to birds and bees, to scientists and politicians, would ever have formed.
Moreover, we have learned that even these particles that make us up
are not all that exist in nature. The observed particles combine in simple
groupings, or families. The up and down quarks make up protons and
neutrons. Along with them one finds the electron, and its partner, the
electron neutrino. Then, for reasons we still don't understand, there is
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a heavier family, made up of the charm and strange quark on the one
hand, and the muon and its neutrino on the other. And finally, as ex-
periments have now confirmed over the past decade or two, there is a
third family, made of two new types of quarks, called bottom and top,
and an accompanying heavy version of the electron called the tau par-
ticle, along with its neutrino.
Beyond these particles, as I shall soon describe, we have every reason
to expect that other elementary particles exist that have never been ob-
served. While these particles, which we think make up the mysterious
dark matter that dominates the mass of our galaxy and all observed gal-
axies, may be invisible to our telescopes, our observations and theories
nevertheless suggest that galaxies and stars could never have formed
without the existence of dark matter.
And at the heart of all of the forces governing the dynamical behavior of
everything we can observe is a beautiful mathematical framework called
gauge symmetry. All of the known forces, strong, weak, electromagnetic,
and even gravity, possess this mathematical property, and for the three
former examples, it is precisely this property that ensures that the theo-
ries make mathematical sense and that nasty quantum infinities disappear
from all calculations of quantities that can be compared to experiment.
With the exception of electromagnetism, these other symmetries re-
main completely hidden from view. The gauge symmetry of the strong
force is hidden because confinement presumably hides the fundamental
particles that manifest this symmetry. The gauge symmetry of the weak
force is not manifest in the world in which we live because it is spontane-
ously broken so that the W and Z particles become extremely massive.
The shadows on the wall of everyday life are truly merely shadows. In
this sense, the greatest story every told, so far, has been slowly playing
out over the more than two thousand years since Plato first imagined it
in his analogy of the cave.
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But as remarkable as this story is, two elephants remain in the room.
TWo protagonists in our tale could until recently have meant that the
key aspects of the story comprised a mere fairy tale invented by theo-
rists with overactive imaginations.
First, the W and Z particles, postulated in 1960 to explain the weak
interaction, almost one hundred times more massive than protons and
neutrons, were still mere theoretical postulates, even if the indirect
evidence for their existence was overwhelming. More than this, an in-
visible field—the Higgs field—was predicted to permeate all of space,
masking the true nature of reality and making our existence possible
because it spontaneously breaks the symmetry between the weak and
the electromagnetic interactions.
To celebrate a story that claims to describe how it is that we exist,
but that also posits an invisible field permeating all of space, sounds
suspiciously like a religious celebration, and not a scientific one. To
truly ensure that our beliefs conform to the evidence of reality rather
than how we would like reality to be, to keep science worthy of the
name, we had to discover the Higgs field. Only then could we truly
know if the significance of the features of our world that we hold so
dear might be no greater than that of the features of one random ice
crystal on a window. Or, more to the point, perhaps, no greater than
the significance of the superconducting nature of wire in a laboratory
versus the normal resistance of the wires in my computer.
The experimental effort to carry out this task was no easier than that
in developing the theory itself. In many ways it was more daunting, tak-
ing more than fifty years and involving the most difficult fabrication of
technology that humans have ever attempted.
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Chapter 20
SPANKING THE VACUUM
If anyone slaps you on the right cheek, turn to him
the other also.
-MATTHEW 5:39
As the 197os ended, theorists were on top of the world,
triumphant and exultant. With progress leading to the Standard Model
so swift, what other new worlds were there to conquer? Dreams of a
theory of everything, long dormant, began to rise again and not just in
the dim recesses of the collective subconscious of theorists.
Still, the W and Z gauge particles had never actually been observed,
and the challenge to directly observe them was pretty daunting. Their
masses were precisely predicted in the theory at about ninety times
the mass of the proton. The challenge to produce these particles comes
from a simple bit of physics.
Einstein's fundamental equation of relativity, E = me, tells us that
we can convert energy into mass by accelerating particles to energies of
many times their rest mass. We can then smash them into targets to see
what comes out.
The problem is that the energy available to produce new particles by
smashing other fast-moving particles into stationary targets is given by
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what is called the center-of-mass energy. For those undaunted by an-
other formula, this turns out to be the square root of twice the product
of the energy of the accelerated particle times the rest mass energy of the
target particle. Imagine accelerating a particle to one hundred times the
rest mass energy of the proton (which is about one gigaelectronvolt—
GeV). In a collision with stationary protons in a target, the center-of-
mass energy that is available to create new particles is then only about
14 GeV. This is just slightly greater than the center-of-mass energy avail-
able in the highest-energy particle accelerator in 1972.
To reach the energies required to produce massive particles such as
the W or Z bosons, two opposing beams of particles must collide. In
this case the total center-of-mass energy is simply twice the energy of
each beam. If each colliding beams of particles has an energy of one
hundred times the rest mass of a proton, this then yields zoo GeV of
energy to be converted into the mass of new particles.
Why, then, produce accelerators with stationary targets and not col-
liders? The answer is quite simple. If I am shooting a bullet at a barn
door, I am more or less guaranteed to hit something. If I shoot a bullet
at another incoming bullet, however,
have to be a much better shot
than probably anyone else alive and have a better gun than any now
made to be guaranteed to hit it.
This was the challenge facing experimentalists in 1976, by which time
they took the electroweak model seriously enough that they thought it
worth the time, effort, and money to try to test it.
But no one knew how to build a device with the appropriate energy.
Accelerating individual beams of particles or antiparticles to high ener-
gies had been achieved. By 1976 protons were being accelerated to Soo
GeV, and electrons up to so GeV. At lower energies, collisions of elec-
trons and their antiparticles had successfully been carried out, and this
is how the new particle containing the charmed quark and antiquark
had been discovered in 1974
Protons, having greater mass and thus more rest energy initially,
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are easier to accelerate to high energies. In 2976 a proton accelerator at
the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN) in Geneva,
the Super Proton Synchrotron (SPS), had just been commissioned as a
conventional fixed-target accelerator operating with a proton beam at
goo GeV. However, another accelerator at Fermilab, near Chicago, had
already achieved proton beams of soo GeV by the time the SPS turned
on. In June of that year, physicists Carlo Rubbia, Peter McIntyre, and
David Cline made a bold suggestion at a neutrino conference: convert-
ing the SPS at CERN into a machine that collided protons with their
antiparticles—antiprotons—would allow CERN to potentially produce
W's and Z's.
Their bold idea was to use the same circular tunnel to accelerate pro-
tons in one direction, and antiprotons in another. Since the two par-
ticles have opposite electric charges, the same accelerating mechanism
would have opposite effects on each particle. So a single accelerator
could in principle produce two high-energy beams circulating in op-
posite directions.
The logic of such a proposal was clear, but its implementation was
not. In the first place, given the strength of the weak interaction, the pro-
duction of even a few W and Z particles would require the collision of
hundreds of billions of protons and antiprotons. But no one had ever pro-
duced and collected enough antiprotons to make an accelerator beam.
Next, you might imagine that with two beams traversing the same
tunnel in opposite directions, particles would be colliding all around the
tunnel and not in the detectors designed to measure the products of the
collisions. However, this is far from the case. The cross section of even a
small tunnel compared to the size of the region over which a proton and
an antiproton might collide is so huge that the problem is quite the op-
posite. It seemed impossible to produce enough antiprotons and ensure
that both they and the protons in the proton beam would be sufficiently
compressed so that when the two beams were brought together, steered
by powerful magnets, any collisions at all would be observed.
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Convincing the CERN directorate to transform one of the world's
most powerful accelerators, built in a circular tunnel almost eight ki-
lometers around at the French-Swiss border, into a new kind of collider
would have been difficult for many people, but Carlo Rubbia, a bombastic
force of nature, was up to the task. Few people who got in Rubbia's way
were likely to be happy about it afterward. For eighteen years he jetted
every week between CERN and Harvard, where he was a professor. His
office was two floors down from mine, but I knew when he was in town
because I could hear him. Moreover, Rubbia's idea was good, and in pro-
moting it he was really suggesting to CERN that the SPS move up from
an "also-ran" machine to the most exciting accelerator in the world. As
Sheldon Glashow said to the CERN directorate when encouraging them
to move forward, to you want to walk, or do you want to fly?"
Still, to fly one needs wings, and the creation of a new method to pro-
duce, store, accelerate, and focus a beam of antiprotons fell to a brilliant
accelerator physicist at CERN, Simon van der Meer. His method was so
clever that many physicists who first heard about it thought it violated
some fundamental principles of thermodynamics. The properties of the
particles in the beam would be measured at one place in the circular
tunnel, then a signal would be sent for magnets farther down the tun-
nel to give many small kicks over time to the particles in the beam as
they passed by, thus slightly altering the energies and momenta of any
wayward particles so that they would eventually all get focused into a
narrow beam. The method, called stochastic cooling, helped make sure
particles that were wandering away from the center of the beam would
be sent back into the middle.
Together van der Meer and Rubbia pushed forward, and by 1981 the
collider was working as planned, and Rubbia assembled the largest phys-
ics collaboration ever created and built a large detector capable of sort-
ing through billions of collisions of protons and antiprotons to search
for a handful of possible W and Z particles. Rubbia's team was not the
only one hunting for a W and a Z, however. Another detector collabora-
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tion had been assembled and was also built at CERN. Redundancy for
such an important observation seemed appropriate.
Unearthing a signal from the immense background in these experi-
ments was not easy. Remember that protons are made of more than
one quark, and in a single proton-antiproton collision a lot of things
can happen. Moreover, the W's and Z's would not be observed directly,
but via their decays—in the case of the W, into electrons and neutrinos.
Neutrinos would not be directly observed, either. Rather the experimen-
talists would tally up the total energy and momentum of each outgoing
particle in a candidate event and look for large amounts of "missing en-
ergy," which would signal that a neutrino had been produced.
By December 1982, a W candidate event had been observed by Rub-
bia and his colleagues. Rubbia was eager to publish a paper based on this
single event, but his colleagues were more cautious, for good reason.
Rubbia seemed to have a history of making discoveries that weren't al-
ways there. In the meantime he leaked details of the event to a number
of colleagues around the world.
Over the next few weeks his "UM" collaboration obtained evidence
for five more W candidate events, and the UAI physicists designed sev-
eral far more stringent tests to ascertain with high confidence that the
candidates were real. On January 2o, 1983, Rubbia presented a memora-
ble and masterful seminar at CERN announcing the result. The stand-
ing ovation he received made it clear that the physics community was
convinced. A few days later Rubbia submitted a paper to the journal
Physics Letters announcing the discovery of six W events. The W had
been discovered with precisely the predicted mass.
The search was not over, however. The Z remained to be seen. Its
predicted mass was slightly higher than that of the W, and its signal was
therefore slightly harder to obtain. Nevertheless, within a month or so
of the W announcement, evidence for Z events began to come in from
both experiments, and on the basis of a single clear event, on May 27
that year Rubbia announced its discovery.
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The gauge bosons of the electroweak model had been found. The sig-
nificance of these discoveries for solidifying the empirical basis of the
Standard Model was underscored when, just slightly over a year after
making the announcement, Rubbia and his accelerator colleague van
der Meer were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. While the teams
that had built and operated both the accelerator and the detectors were
huge, few could deny that without Rubbia's drive and persistence and
van der Meer's ingenious invention the discovery would not have been
possible.
One big Holy Grail now remained: the purported Higgs particle. Un-
like the W and Z bosons, the mass of the Higgs is not fixed by the the-
ory. Its couplings to matter and to the gauge bosons were predicted, as
these couplings allow the background Higgs field that presumably exists
in nature to break the gauge symmetry and give mass not to just the W
and the Z, but also to electrons, muons, and quarks—indeed to all the
fundamental particles in the Standard Model save the neutrino and the
photon. However, neither the Higgs particle mass nor the strength of its
self-interactions was separately determined in advance by then existing
measurements. Only their ratio was fixed by the theory in terms of the
measured strength of the weak interaction between known particles.
Given conservative estimates of the possible magnitude of the Higgs
self-interaction strength, the Higgs particle mass was conservatively es-
timated to lie within a range of 2 to 2,000 GeV. What set the upper limit
was that, if the Higgs self-coupling is too big, then the theory becomes
strongly interacting and many of the calculations performed using the
simplest picture of the Higgs break down.
Aside from their necessary role in breaking the electroweak sym-
metry and giving other elementary particles masses, these quantitative
details were therefore largely undetermined by experiments up to that
time—which is probably why Sheldon Glashow in the 3.98os referred to
the Higgs as the "toilet" of modern physics. Everyone was aware of its
necessary existence, but no one wanted to talk about the details in public.
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That the Standard Model didn't fix in advance many of the details of
the Higgs sector didn't dissuade many theorists from proposing models
that "predicted" the Higgs mass based on some new theoretical ideas.
In the early 1980s, each time accelerators increased their energies, new
physics papers would come out predicting a Higgs would be discov-
ered when the machine was turned on. Then a new threshold would be
reached, and nothing would be observed. To explore all the available
parameter space to see if the Higgs existed, a radically new accelerator
would clearly have to be built.
I was convinced during all this time that the Higgs didn't exist. The
spontaneous symmetry breaking of the electroweak gauge symmetry
did certainly occur—the W and the Z exist and have mass—but adding
a fundamental new scalar field designed by recipe specifically to per-
form this task seemed contrived to me. First, no other fundamental sca-
lar field had ever been observed to exist in nature's particle menagerie.
Second, I felt that with all of the unknown physics yet to be discovered
at small scales, nature would have developed a much more ingenious
and unexpected way of breaking the gauge symmetry. Once one posits
the Higgs particle, then the next obvious question is "Why that?" or
more specifically "Why just the right dynamics to cause it to condense
at that scale, and with that mass?" I thought that nature would find a
way to break the theory in a less ad hoc fashion, and I expressed this
conviction fairly strongly when I was interviewed for my eventual posi-
tion at the Society of Fellows at Harvard after getting my PhD.
Let's recall now what the existence of the Higgs implies. It requires
not just a new particle in nature but an invisible background field that
must exist throughout all of space. It also implies that all particles—
not just the W and the Z particles but also electrons and quarks—are
massless in the fundamental theory. These particles that interact with
the Higgs background field then experience a kind of resistance to their
motion that slows their travel to less than the speed of light—just as a
swimmer in molasses will move more slowly than a swimmer in water.
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Once they are moving at sub-light-speed, the particles behave as if they
are massive. Those particles that interact more strongly with this back-
ground field will experience a greater resistance and will act as if they
are more massive, just as a car that goes off the road into mud will be
harder to push than if it were on the pavement, and to those pushing it,
it will seem heavier.
This is a remarkable claim about the nature of reality. Remembering
that in superconductors the condensate that forms is a complicated state
of bound pairs of electrons, I was skeptical that things would work out
so much more simply and cleanly on fundamental scales in empty space.
So how to explore such a remarkable claim? We use the central prop-
erty of quantum field theory that was exploited by Higgs himself when
he proposed his idea. For every new field in nature, at least one new type
of elementary particle must exist with that field. How, then, to produce
the particles if such a background field exists throughout space?
Simple. We spank the vacuum.
By this I mean that if we can focus enough energy at a single point
in space, we can excite real Higgs particles to emerge and be measured.
One can picture this as follows. In the language of elementary particle
physics, using Feynman diagrams, we can think of a virtual Higgs par-
ticle emerging from the background Higgs field, giving mass to other
particles. The left diagram corresponds to particles such as quarks and
electrons scattering off a virtual Higgs particle and being deflected, thus
experiencing resistance to their forward motion. The right diagram rep-
resents the same effect for particles such as the W and the Z.
We can then simply turn this picture around:
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In this case energetic particles such as W's and Z's or quarks and/or
antiquarks or electrons and/or positrons appear to emit virtual Higgs
particles and recoil. If the energies of the incoming particles are large
enough, then the emitted Higgs could be a real particle. If they aren't,
the Higgs would be a virtual particle.
Now remember that if the Higgs gives mass to particles, then the
particles it interacts with most strongly will be the particles that get the
largest masses. In turn this means that the particles most likely to spit
out a Higgs are the incident particles with the heaviest masses. That
means that light particles such as electrons are probably not a good bet
to directly create Higgs particles in an accelerator. Instead we can imag-
ine creating an accelerator with enough energy so that we can create
heavy virtual particles that will spit out Higgs particles, either virtual
or real.
The natural candidates are then protons. Build an accelerator or a
collider starting with protons and accelerate them to high enough en-
ergies to produce enough virtual heavy constituents so as to produce
Higgs particles. The Higgs particles, virtual or real, being heavy, will
quickly decay into the lighter particles that the Higgs interacts with
most strongly—once again either the top or bottom quarks or W's and
Z's. These will in turn decay into other particles.
The trick would be to consider events with the smallest number of
outgoing particles that could be cleanly detected, then determine their
energies and momenta precisely and see if one could reconstruct a se-
ries of events traceable to a single massive intermediate particle with the
predicted interactions of a Higgs particle. No small task!
These ideas were already clear as early as 1977, even before the dis-
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covery of the top quark itself (since the bottom quark had already been
discovered, and all the other quarks came in weak pairs—up and down,
charm and strange—clearly another quark had to exist, although it took
until 199s to discover it, a whopping um times heavier than the proton).
But knowing what was required and actually building a machine ca-
pable of doing the job were two different things.
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Chapter 21
GOTHIC CATHEDRALS OF THE
TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
The price of wisdom is above rubies.
-JOB 28:18
Accelerating protons to high enough energies to explore
the full range of possible Higgs masses was well beyond the capabilities
of any machine in 1978—when all the other predictions of the elec-
troweak theory were confirmed—or in 1983 when the W and the Z had
been discovered. An accelerator at least an order of magnitude more
powerful than the most powerful machine then in existence was re-
quired. In short, not a collider, but a supercollider.
The United States, which for the entire period since the end of the
Second World War had dominated science and technology, had good
reason to want to build such a machine. After all, CERN in Geneva
had emerged by 1984 as the dominant particle physics laboratory in the
world. American pride was so hurt when both the W and the Z particles
were discovered at CERN that six days after the press conference an-
nouncing the Z discovery, the New York Times published an editorial
titled "Europe 3, U.S. Not Even Z-Zerol
Within a week after the Z discovery, American physicists decided to
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cancel construction of an intermediate-scale accelerator in Long Island
and go for broke. They would build a massive accelerator with a center-
of-mass energy almost one hundred times greater than the CERN SPS
machine. To do so they would need new superconducting magnets,
and so their brainchild was named the Superconducting Super Col-
lider (SSC).
After the project was proposed by the US particle physics commu-
nity in 2983, the traditional scramble proceeded among many different
states to get a piece of the enormous fiscal pie for its construction and
management. After much political and scientific wrangling a site just
south of Dallas, Texas, in Waxahachie, was chosen. Whatever the moti-
vation, Texas seemed particularly appropriate, as everything about the
project, which was approved in 1987 by President Reagan, was supersize.
The huge underground tunnel would have been eighty-seven kilo-
meters around, the largest tunnel ever constructed. The project would
be twenty times bigger than any other physics project ever attempted.
The proposed energy of collisions, with two beams each having an en-
ergy twenty thousand times the mass of the proton, would be about one
hundred times larger than the collision energy of the machine at CERN
that had discovered the W and the Z. Ten thousand superconducting
magnets, each of unprecedented strength, would have been required.
Cost overruns, lack of international cooperation, a poor US economy,
and political machinations eventually led to SSC's demise in October
1993. I remember the time well. I had recently moved from Yale to be-
come chair of the Physics Department at Case Western Reserve Uni-
versity, with a mandate to rebuild the department and hire twelve new
faculty members over five years. The first year we advertised, in 1993-94,
we received more than two hundred applications from senior scientists
who had been employed at the SSC and who were now without a job or
any prospects. Many of them were very senior, having left full professor-
ships at distinguished universities to spearhead the effort. It was sad, and
more than half of those people had to leave the field altogether.
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The anticipated cost of the project when it was canceled had risen
from 54.4 billion at its inception in 2987 to about $12 billion in 1993.
While this was, and still is, a large amount of money, one can debate the
merits of killing the project. Two billion dollars had already been spent
on it, and twenty-four kilometers of tunnel had been completed.
The decision to kill the project was not black-and-white, but a num-
ber of things could have played a bigger role in considerations—from
the opportunity costs of losing a fair fraction of the talented accelera-
tor physicists and particle physics experimentalists in the country to
the many new breakthroughs that might have resulted from the expen-
ditures on high-tech development that would have contributed to our
economy. Moreover, had the SSC been built and functioned as planned,
we may have had answers more than a decade ago to experimental ques-
tions we are still addressing. Would knowing the answers have changed
anything we might have done in the meantime? We'll probably never
know.
The $12 billion would have been spent over some ten to fifteen years
during construction and the commencement of operations, which
makes the cost in the range of Si billion per year. In the federal budget
this is not a large amount. My own political views are well known, so it
may not be surprising for me to suggest, for example, that the United
States would have been just as secure had it cut the bloated US defense
budget by this amount, far less than 2 percent of its total each year. More-
over, the entire cost of the SSC would have probably been comparable
to the air-conditioning and transportation costs of the disastrous 2003
Iraq invasion, which decreased our net security and well-being. I can't
help referring once again to Robert Wilson's testimony before Congress
regarding the Fermilab accelerator: "It has nothing to do directly with
defending our country except to help make it worth defending!
These are political questions, however, not scientific ones, and in a
democracy, Congress, representing the public, has the right and respon-
sibility to oversee priorities for expenditures on large public projects.
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The particle physics community, perhaps too used to a secure inflow
of money during the Cold War, did not do an adequate job of inform-
ing the public and Congress what the project was all about. It is not
surprising that in hard economic times the first thing to be cut would
be something that seemed so esoteric. I wondered at the time why it
was necessary to kill the project, rather than suspend funding until the
economy improved or until technological developments might have re-
duced its cost. Neither the tunnel (now filling with water) nor the lab-
oratory buildings (now occupied by a chemical company) were going
anywhere.
Despite these developments in the United States, CERN was moving
forward with a new machine, the Large Electron-Positron (LEP) Col-
lider, designed to explore in detail the physics of the W and the Z par-
ticles, at the urging of its newest Nobel laureate, the indomitable Carlo
Rubbia. He became the laboratory's director in 1989, the same year the
new machine came online.
A twenty-seven-kilometer-long circular tunnel was dug about a
hundred meters underground around the old SPS machine, which was
now used to inject electrons and positrons into the bigger ring, where
they were further accelerated to huge energies. Located on the outskirts
of Geneva, the new machine was large enough to cross under the Jura
Mountains into France. European nations are more familiar with build-
ing tunnels than the United States is, and when the tunnel was com-
pleted, the two ends met up to within one centimeter. Moreover CERN,
as an international collaboration of many countries, did not significantly
eat into the GDP of any one country.
The new machine ran successfully for more than a decade, and after
the demise of the SSC in the United States, the huge LEP tunnel was
considered for the creation of a miniversion of the SSC—not quite as
powerful but still energetic enough to explore much of the parameter
space where the long-sought Higgs particle might exist. Some competi-
tion came from a machine at Fermilab, called the Tevatron, which had
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been running since 1976 and in 1984 came online as the world's most
energetic proton-antiproton machine. By 1986, the collision energy of
protons and antiprotons circulating around the 6.s-kilometer ring of
superconducting magnets at Fermilab was almost two thousand times
the equivalent rest mass energy of the proton.
As significant as this was, it was not sufficient to probe most of the
available parameter space for the Higgs, and a discovery at the Tevatron
would have required nature to have been kind. The Tevatron did garner
one great success, the long-anticipated discovery, in 1995, of the mam-
moth top quark, 175 times the mass of the proton, and the most massive
particle yet discovered in nature.
With no clear competition therefore, within fourteen months of the
demise of the SSC the CERN council approved the construction of a
new machine, the Large Hadron Collider, in the LEP tunnel. Design and
development of the machine and detectors would take some time to
complete, so the LEP machine would continue to operate in the tunnel
for almost another six years before having to close down for reconstruc-
tion. It would then take almost another decade to complete construc-
tion of the machine and the particle detectors to be used in the search
for the Higgs and/or other new physics.
That is, if a working machine and viable detectors could be con-
structed. This would be the most complicated engineering task humans
had ever undertaken. The design specifications for superconducting
magnets, computing facilities, and many other aspects of the machine
and detectors called for technology far exceeding anything then avail-
able.
Conceptual design of the machine took a full year, and another
year later two of the main experimental detector collaboration pro-
posals were approved. The United States, with no horses in this race,
was admitted as an "observer" state to CERN, allowing US physicists to
become key players in detector development and design. In 1998 con-
struction of the cavern to hold one of the two major detectors, the CMS
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detector, was delayed for six months as workers discovered fourth-
century Gallo-Roman ruins, including a villa and surrounding fields,
on the site.
Four and a half years later, the huge caverns that would house both
main detectors underground were completed. Over the next two years,
1,232 huge magnets, each fifteen meters long and weighing thirty-five
tons, were lowered fifty meters below the surface in a special shaft and
delivered to their final destinations using a specially designed vehicle
that could travel in the tunnel. A year after that, the final pieces of
each of the two large detectors were lowered into place, and at 10:28
M., September 10, 2008, the machine officially turned on for the first
time.
Two weeks later, disaster struck. A short occurred in one of the mag-
net connectors, causing the associated superconducting magnet to go
normal, releasing a huge amount of energy and resulting in mechanical
damage and release of some of the liquid helium cooling the machine.
The damage was extensive enough that a redesign and examination of
every weld and connection in the LHC was required, taking more than
a year to complete. In November of 2009 the LHC was finally turned
back on, but because of design concerns, it was set to run at seven thou-
sand times the center-of-mass energy of the proton, instead of fourteen
thousand. On
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